Sociation Today

Sociation Today
®

ISSN 1542-6300


The Official Journal of the
North Carolina Sociological Association


A Peer-Reviewed
Refereed Web-Based 
Publication


Fall/Winter 2014
Volume 12, Issue 2


Du Bois and Double Consciousness: Influence and Original Thoughts

by

Veronica F. Smith-Brown

North Carolina Central University

    In the late 1890's and early 1900's, W.E. B. Du Bois introduced the world to his understanding of the concept, double consciousness, which is based on how an individual sees himself, or herself, through the eyes "of others, of measuring one's soul by the tape of the world that looks on in amused contempt and pity" (Du Bois[1897a] 2011a  p.4).  Du Bois' view of double consciousness is somewhat similar to Charles Horton Cooley's concept of "The Looking Glass Self" (Kornblum 2000).  In describing the "looking- glass self, Cooley ([1902] 1964, p. 184) maintains that "in imagination we perceived in another's mind some thought of appearance, manners, aims, deeds, character, friends, and so on and are variously affected by it."  In American society blacks have struggled with where and how they fit into an unwelcoming society.  Black identity has been characterized as a form of double consciousness; the desire to be an American and not lose one's racial identity (Du Bois [1897a] 2011a).  For Du Bois double consciousness is one of the key racial social constructs.  This analysis will demonstrate how social construction and the process of  assimilation and accommodation create double consciousness and how double consciousness may be used to preserve one's racial identity. 

    In the "Strivings of the Negro People,"  Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a, p. 4) describes double consciousness in the following manner:  "These profound words were attributed to one's thought of one's self.  Blacks feel their two-ness, an American, and a member of the black community, two souls, two thoughts, two unrecognized strivings, two warring ideals".  Some have alleged that Du Bois' use of the term, double consciousness was drawn from , European Romanticism and American Transcendentalism (Bruce Jr., 1992).

    Rampersad (1990) maintains that the phrase has a medical and psychological background.  In an 1843 essay entitled "Transcendentalist," Ralph Waldo Emerson used the term, double consciousness, to refer to a problem in the life of a person seeking to take on a transcendental perspective.  Double consciousness  reflects the tension among the self, the world, the soul, and nature.  Emerson maintained that the demands of daily life pulled an individual back from the divine.  Thus, Emerson's use of double consciousness evoked a set of oppositions that became commonplace in Transcendentalism and in Romanticism (Bruce Jr. 1992).  In the "Strivings of Negro People," Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a) referred to similar oppositions as he discussed the real power of white stereotypes in black life.  Double consciousness was perceived as a reflection of the racism that excluded blacks from mainstream society.  The term also reflected the internal conflict between what is understood as "African" and what is "American" (Rampersad 1990).  For Du Bois double consciousness was also an outcome having to cope with overt racism experienced on a daily basis (Rampersad 1990). 
   
    Du Bois wrote The Souls of Black Folk (1903) during the Jim Crow era where the prevailing ideology maintained that the races were separate but equal.  In reality the races were separate and unequal.  Early on Du Bois realized that regardless of how talented he was, many opportunities were not available for him (Du Bois [1903] 2007).  The impact of racial prejudice and the stigmas associated with Jim Crow lead one to question one's worth and value.  These social conditions led black people to doubt themselves and view themselves as worthless.  This self-doubt was destructive and according to Rampersad (1990) was an inevitable component of double consciousness.  
 
    Double consciousness reflects the internal conflict between what it means to be an African and an American.  African consciousness was endowed with a spirituality that was revealed through Black folklore, music, and culture.  Du Bois ([1903] 2007) believed that the black community has a message for the world.  He felt that this spiritual consciousness could bring a softening influence to a cold and calculating world.  He pointed out that the spirit of Africa was preserved in the Negro spirituals and African consciousness.  Through the concept of double consciousness, Du Bois hoped to make whites aware that blacks had souls. His intent was not to imply that one race was superior to another (Rampersad 1990).      Du Bois ([1897b] 2011a) felt that black identity existed "within the veil," and was defined as a "two-ness" of experiences held in tension.  James' use of double consciousness was linked to discussions of personality disorders and pathologies (Smith 2004).  Du Bois did not adopt these categories to articulate black distinctiveness.  Rather he imposed a racial interpretation on the process of identity formation demonstrating how race, in a racist culture, changes and determines everything (Smith 2004).  Rather than focusing on James' concept of social self-recognition, Du Bois argued that blacks viewed the world as being divided by the "color line."  The black community was essentially shut off from the world by a "vast veil."

Du Bois' Pioneering Studies on Race
       
     Many of Du Bois' studies on race were written well before 1907.  "The Conservation of Races" was written in 1897, The Souls of Black Folk in 1903, and the Atlanta Conference report, Health and Physique of the Negro American,which included an extensive section on race, was published in 1906.  Du Bois' studies on race were motivated by his determination to present the facts about blacks (Du Bois [1899] 1996).  Washington and Park believed that blacks must concentrate first on economic self-sufficiency, and accept a subordinate role to whites.  This position was directly opposed Du Bois, who argued that blacks should focus on obtaining political rights and racial equality (Elias 2005).  Du Bois offered sociology another path through which to understand race, but this path was not taken (Morris 2007).  Throughout Du Bois' early sociological period he grounded his empirical research in a call for social change.

    From 1905 to 1910, Du Bois' thinking shifted.  He became disillusioned with the ability of scientific evidence to transform racial bias.  Instead he began to think about racism as forces or ideologies which persons embrace.  Thus he began to work with the Niagara movement, the NAACP, and became more of a social activist (Du Bois [1940] 1968a; 1968b). After the Sam Hose lynching in 1899, Du Bois began to focus on social action, "what ought to be" instead of "what is."  This was contrary to what Schmoller had taught him during his doctoral studies at Berlin (Wortham 2009b).  Du Bois began to focus on social activism rather than empirical sociology.  This is evident in his statement of principles guiding the work of the Niagara Movement (Du Bois 1968b).  These principles addressed such topics as voting rights, racial equality, better working conditions, and the development of strong leadership in the black community (Du Bois 1968b).  However, Du Bois addressed some of these same principles in his 1897 article, "The Conservation of Races."  A chronological study of Du Bois' pioneering works on race now follows.

    Du Bois' first lengthy discussion of the concept of race is found in "The Conservation of Races" ([1897b] 2011a). He delivered this paper to The American Negro Academy in the year it was founded. The American Negro Academy was an early black scholarly organization (Appiah 1985).  In this essay, Du Bois set out to simultaneously "deconstruct, and reconstruct race" (Rabaka 2007, p. 123).  Du Bois' ([1897b] 2011a) main argument was that every race has a contribution to make to the rest of humanity.  Du Bois concluded that The Negro Academy reflected the strength of the black community, and he defined race as a historical and cultural phenomenon rather than a biological concept.  Du Bois conceptualized race in the following manner.
What, then, is race?  It is a vast family of human beings, generally of common blood and language, always of common  history, traditions and impulses, who are both voluntarily and involuntarily striving together for the accomplishment of certain more or less vividly conceived ideals of life (Du Bois [1897a] 2011a, p. 112).
    Racial classification is based on culture and group identification.  Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a, p. 112) argued that the primary categories of race are "whites, blacks, and possibly the yellow race."  Moving beyond his definition of race, Du Bois argued that it was important that blacks achieve social equality in America as well as maintaining their "race identity".  Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a, p. 115) asked questions such as: "what, after all, am I? Am I an American or am I a Negro? Can I be both?  Or is it my duty to cease to be a Negro as soon as possible and be an American?"  Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a; 1968b) proposed that in order to "conserve the black race," race-based organizations such as Negro colleges, newspapers, businesses, and organizations like The Negro Academy were needed.

    In "The Strivings of the Negro People," Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a, p. 3) asked "How does it feel to be a problem?" At an early age, Du Bois was reminded that he was different and several life experiences prompted him to ponder the question of blacks being perceived as a "problem." These experiences made Du Bois feel like an outsider, shut out from the world by a vast veil (Du Bois 1968b).  In this 1897 essay Du Bois described how the struggle within black people created a sense of double consciousness.        Du Bois felt that poverty, ignorance, and slavery were the roots of prejudice, and educating the public with empirical research would change how society viewed blacks. Also, In "The Study of the Negro Problems"  Du Bois ([1898] 2009a) outlined his approach to the study of social factors impacting the quality of life for blacks in America and argued that this would be accomplished by studying a social group in their environmental setting. The purpose of such sociological studies was to discover the truth.  This truth would be the foundation of improving the life of blacks in America.

    In The Philadelphia Negro ([1899] 1996), Du Bois addressed the prejudices against blacks in Philadelphia's Seventh Ward.  Blacks in Philadelphia defined color prejudice as "a common feeling of dislike for his blood due to the color of his skin" (Du Bois [1899] 1996, p. 322).  Such prejudices prevented blacks from obtaining decent jobs, public conveniences, housing, and respect.  With regard to racial interaction, Philadelphia's white community believed that "social interaction with a lower race is undesirable if they want to maintain their standards of culture" (Du Bois [1899] 1996 p. 322).  Whites questioned whether color prejudice had an influence on everyday life, or how it could alter the social condition of blacks. Such attitudes made it hard for blacks to work in jobs for which they were trained.  Consequently, many professional lawyers, mechanical engineers, pharmacist, teachers, or artists had to settle for menial jobs.  Where blacks did hold high positions, they were not respected (Du Bois [1899] 1996).   

    In the essay, "The Relations of the Negroes to the Whites in the South" ([1901] 2009a), Du Bois comments on how difficult it is to address social problems if a person is part of the problem.  Du Bois studied of racial contact with respect to neighborhood dwellings, economic relations, political relations, and intellectual and social contact.  In many of the Southern towns, main street represented "the color line."  The segregation among blacks and whites was also based on the fact that groups of people were clustered by social class.

    In The Souls of Black Folk, Du Bois ([1903] 2007, p. 9) proposes that "the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line."  The concepts of "life behind the veil" and "double consciousness" were also introduced as a means of provoking Americans to think about race. This book offered an assessment of racial progress and identified the obstacles presented by strained race relations at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century.  He expressed his disagreement with Booker T. Washington's approach to race relations, believing that Washington's approach was counterproductive.  Du Bois felt that voting rights and education were essential for black progress in America.  Such sociological issues as racial identity, race relations, quality of life, education, employment, social reform, crime, economy, and religion are all addressed in The Souls of Black Folk (Wortham 2011b). 
      
    In a 1904, article "The Development of a People," Du Bois addressed the history of slavery, the betterment of blacks, "the color line", public and industrial schools, and group leadership.  Du Bois argued that black people were perceived as failing because the advances of black people had not been adequately studied.  According to Du Bois (1904), black progress involved four interconnected steps: subsistence, accumulation, education, and culture.  Du Bois felt that many things that needed to be learned could be taught in family circles.  "The color line" was addressed by providing examples of towns and states where there was evidence of clustering of groups by color.  Du Bois (1904b) provided a historical background of slavery and pointed out that the slave trade in America destroyed the black family and family life.  Advancement was thus defined in terms of the accumulation of wealth, the education of the young people, and cultural development.  Du Bois (1904) felt that moral uplift, which comes from home life, social ideals, and group leadership, was far more important than education.  The key to the development of people would not come from formal educational training, but from informal training received through one's social surroundings, like the home. 

    In the 1906 Atlanta University Conference study, The Health and Physique of the Negro American, Du Bois published a series of photographs to highlight that race mixing had taken place in America.  The concept of the color line suggested that an absolute difference existed between blacks and whites. Du Bois sought to discredit late nineteenth century notions of race based on physical characteristics as well as the myths of white superiority and black inferiority (Smith 2004). Ethnographic studies and photography were used to provide empirical evidence of race mixing.  Du Bois addressed the general physical appearance of blacks and claimed that physical characteristics did not provide a biological basis for race. Du Bois sought to discredit late nineteenth century notions of race based on physical characteristics as well as the myths of white superiority and black inferiority (Smith 2004).  People of a mixed racial ancestry challenged the existing racial taxonomy.  Although Jim Crow segregation required whites and blacks to be divided, race mixing had and continued to take place.

    In the 1908 essay "Race Friction between Blacks and Whites," Du Bois questioned the nature of race friction by asking three questions.   The first question was, "Is the old status of acknowledged superiority and inferiority between white and black races in America any longer possible (Du Bois [1908] 2009a, p. 335)?"  Although the harsh forms of slavery had been abolished, white society still supported a white supremacy ideology. This ideology had global implications.  Du Bois also argued that while Atlanta University was conducting empirical studies of race, the rest of the nation was doing nothing.  The second question Du Bois asked was "Are the race differences in this case irreconcilable (Du Bois [1908] 2009a, p. 337)?"  Giving the increasing contact among races, groups, and nations, Du Bois believed that it was impossible to have and maintain racial or group segregation.  Du Bois continued to stress the importance of conducting studies on race and the race problem in America. The third question raised by Du Bois ([1908] 2009a, p. 335) was "Is racial separation practicable?"  Racial separation was viewed as not being practicable because the world economy is based on the interaction of many races.  Separating the races would be against the trend of the age.  The world should seek to bind the races together instead of focusing on race differences.

    In 1909 Du Bois wrote the biography John Brown, which he regarded as one of his best works (Du Bois 1968b). Du Bois was asked by Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer to contribute to a series of biographies known as "The American Crisis Biographies" by writing about the life of Frederick Douglass.  Ellis Oberholtzer eventually gave the writing assignment of Frederick Douglass to Booker T. Washington. Du Bois responded by expressing that he would write about Nat Turner.  Ellis Oberholtzer then suggested that Du Bois write about the life of John Brown, the white leader against slavery (Aptheker 1973).   Du Bois ([1909] 1973) used this opportunity to address the significance of John Brown's joining forces with blacks in the abolition of slavery. John Brown was an abolitionist who advocated for the abolition of slavery.  At the early age of twelve years old, John Brown had an experience that changed his life forever.  While visiting a family who had a young slave boy, Brown noticed that the people he went to visit were nice to him but were very cruel to the young slave.  The slave experienced bitter cold living conditions and was beaten in Brown's presence.  Brown questioned what the slave did to be treated this way. He felt that the slave did not deserve such treatment.  Brown pledged to destroy slavery and spent his life trying to do so (Du Bois [1909] 1973).  John Brown's efforts to abolish slavery prompted him to sit down with blacks either in his home or theirs.  This allowed John Brown to touch "the souls of black folk" (Du Bois [1909] 1973, p. 8)   In John Brown, Du Bois ([1909] 1973) addressed the majority of his concerns about race relations in America and how they affected blacks by commenting on white supremacy, race and class relations in the early twentieth century, the gifts blacks could offer America, racial equality, injustices, racism, lynching, and the colonial expansion in Africa.  At this point Du Bois transitions from sociologist to activist and clearly takes a position on issues rather than being neutral.  According to Du Bois, John Brown taught us that "the cheapest price to pay for liberty is its cost today" (Du Bois [1909] 1973, p. 402).  
  
    During the summer of 1911, Du Bois presented the paper, "The Negro Race in the United States of America," at the First Universal Races Congress in London.  Here Du Bois addressed such topics as the slave trade, the social history of the black community in the United States, religion, crime, education, and occupations   He also discussed several "Negro Problems," such as limited educational opportunities, paying taxes for public facilities that blacks were not allowed to use, low wages, voting rights, and a biased legal system (Wortham 2009b).  In this essay Du Bois once again took the opportunity to debate Booker T. Washington's approach to social justice. Du Bois by no means felt that blacks should be submissive and stay in their places. He argued that all people are created equal and should be treated as such (Du Bois [1911a] 2009a).

    In the same year (1911), Du Bois' first novel, The Quest of the Silver Fleece, was published.  In this novel, Du Bois used fiction to portray sociological facts on race relations at the beginning of the twentieth century (James 2012).  The main character in the book is a black woman named Zora.  Zora is a woman of courage, insight, dignity, and power.  While working as a maid, she educated herself and became aware of her non-white past (Du Bois [1911b] 1974). This was similar to Du Bois' own self-awareness (Du Bois 1968b).  Zora encounters a young man who wants to give up on his education in order to begin farming.  Zora explains to the young man that education is key to one's quest for success (Du Bois [1911b] 1974).  Du Bois believed that women could elevate themselves through education.  At the time Du Bois wrote this novel, it was significant that he chose to write a novel featuring a black woman as the key figure.  Du Bois appears to have taken many of his life experiences and utilized them in a fictional account about share cropping and racism (James 2012).  Du Bois believed that education was a key to advancement (Du Bois[1903] 2007; [1911b] 1974;1968b).   Du Bois believed that an educated black person would make more social progress than an uneducated skilled worker (Du Bois [1903] 2007).  

    In 1920 Du Bois published Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil.  This book consisted of essays, poetry and short fiction about race, class, and gender issues.  One of the essays in this book is, "The Souls of White Folk."  Here Du Bois specifically addressed white supremacy as a system of exploitation, oppression, and violence (Rabaka 2007; Fletcher Jr. 2010).  Darkwater was published in the aftermath of World War I and the Versallies Treaty of 1919 which formally ended the war.  Du Bois attended the Versallies conference, and had witnessed the injustices of people of color globally (Fletcher, Jr. 2010). In Darkwater Du Bois provides a global approach to race, white priviledge, and imperialism. Whites are associated with the creation of a global racial hierarchy which created terrible conditions that black people must endure (Fletcher, Jr. 2010). Compared to The Souls of Black Folk, Darkwater reflects a much harsher tone (Wortham 2011b). 

    In Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward An Autobiography of a Race Concept ([1940] 1968a), Du Bois discusses his life at the age of seventy. His concept of race is based on his research, his educational experiences, and his own personal experiences.  During Du Bois' early years, he was one of a few blacks attending his elementary or high school.  This meant that he was a threat to his white classmates. At Fisk, the problem of race and racism in the South was faced openly, and at Harvard, Du Bois was introduced to such concepts as evolution, the survival of the fittest, and ideas about differences in the development of whites and the lower races (Du Bois [1940] 1968a).  In Dusk of Dawn Du Bois again reflected on his relationship with Booker T. Washington and his reasons for leaving the NAACP, and he offered further thought on a new concept of race.  Du Bois traced the genealogy of the race concept based on how race had affected his life.   He stated that he was born into a "colored" family, which made him a member of the "colored" race, but he eventually adopted the designation, "Negro" (Du Bois [1940] 1968a).

    Du Bois could not recall when his race theories were formed and felt that it was an unconscious process beginning in his childhood (Du Bois [1940] 1968a).   According to Du Bois the concept of race creates barriers for those who are outside of the group and who consider themselves superior.  Furthermore, group barriers create an attitude of resentment, hatred, and disbelief, and this leads to a lack of communication and understanding between groups (Du Bois [1940] 1968a).  At this point in Du Bois' life, the concept of race dominated his life. Yet, he wondered if it may be wrong to speak of race as a "concept." 

    Du Bois described the race concept in the following manner:
    This was the race concept which has dominated my life, and the
history of which I have attempted to make the leading theme of
this book.  It had as I have tried to show all sorts of illogical trends
and irreconcilable tendencies.  Perhaps it is wrong to speak of it
all as "a concept" rather than as a group of contradictory forces,
facts, and tendencies.  At any     rate I hope I have made its meaning
to me clear.  It was for me as I have written first a matter of dawning realization, then of study and science; then a matter of inquiry into diverse strands of my own family; and finally consideration of my connection, physical and spiritual, with Africa and the Negro race in its homeland (Du Bois [1940] 1968a, pp.132-133).
    Du Bois' writings were motivated by his obsession with promoting the goodness of blacks.  He argued that all races have a "gift" to offer the world. He used his own life experiences to provide a survey of the contradictory nature of the American experience (Du Bois [1940] 1968a).

    Although Du Bois' studies on race were important, other early American sociologists did not follow his lead.  Du Bois' early contributions with respect to research methodology and race have not been fully recognized.  Although Du Bois produced path-breaking scholarship on race and social inequality, it has taken sociology one hundred years to begin to incorporate his insights into the core of the discipline (Wortham 2011b; 2009b; Rabaka 2007;   Morris 2007). Du Bois was isolated institutionally and intellectually, and due to the lack of funding, he found himself begging white philanthropists for research support (Du Bois 1968).  Du Bois struggled with funding while white scholars, like Park and Odum, did not face the same challenges (Morris 2007).  Du Bois was fully aware of his limitations, but he pressed on and took advantage of any opportunity he could to educate society about the "Negro problems" and demonstrate why the problem of the twentieth century was "the problem of the color line."

Conclusion

    The purpose of this essay was to illuminate W.E.B. Du Bois' contributions to the sociological study of race.  The majority of  Du Bois' sociological work was published before 1907 thus preceding the work of Robert Park and the Chicago School. William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, a black author, educator, historian, sociologist, and social activist, displayed a great amount of determination and courage as he tried to lift "the veil" and transcend "the color line" that was socially constructed by white society.  His primary focus was on discrimination and the rigid American racial caste system (Rabaka 2007). In works like The Souls of Black Folk and The Philadelphia Negro, he empirically addressed the problems faced by the black community in such an eloquent and balanced way that he was able to attract white readers.  This was his way of offering facts about the true identity of a race that was regarded as inferior   Du Bois' formal education provided the foundation for his inductive approach to the study of social phenomena, and he initially accepted the premise of grounding social reform in the collection of facts.   He believed the aim of sociology was to discover the truth (Du Bois [1899] 1996).  Through his work with the Atlanta sociological laboratory and the Atlanta University Conferences, he was able to address issues of race and economic co-operation.  These conferences contributed to the understanding of racial inequality and the quality of black life at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century (Wortham 2009b).  Du Bois was concerned with black identity, "the Negro Problems," and the portrayal of black people as less than human and not having souls.  Du Bois' work has been monumental to the history of the economic, political, and social development of black people since the Civil War.  Du Bois devoted his impressive body of sociological work to exposing the false assumptions about blacks. Over one hundred years later, Du Bois' concept of double consciousness is still a relevant concept and provides a key to understanding the identity of people experiencing prejudice and discrimination.
 
    Du Bois was a man of vision who dedicated his whole life to addressing racial inequality and presenting facts in order to improve the problems of blacks.  He was a pioneer in that he explored  unchartered areas of black heritage.  Du Bois was a meticulous researcher.  His empirical method of data collecting is well documented and he was conducting small area studies at the same time that these studies were popular at the University of Chicago (Wortham 2011b, 2009b).  He dedicated his whole life to collecting and analyzing relevant data pertaining to blacks. Du Bois' ([1899] 1996) intentions originally were to provide factual information in order to prompt changes related to the perceptions and treatment of blacks.  Eventually his focus on empirical data gave way to his promotion of social activism as a means of addressing inequality and prejudice.  Additionally, Du Bois founded several organizations to promote the improvement of life for blacks in the United States and throughout the world (Du Bois 1968b). 

    American sociology has failed to fully incorporate and integrate contributions of early first generation black sociologists like W.E. B. Du Bois, Monroe Work, and Richard Wright, Jr. into the development of the discipline.  These underrepresented social scientists provided innovative research methodologies and theoretical frameworks appropriate for the study of social issues that concern the black community and the larger American society (Saint-Arnaud 2009; Rabaka 2007; Wortham 2011b; 2009a). The limited attention diverted towards W.E.B. Du Bois' unique application of double consciousness to racial identity formation and the social construction of race is a clear example of this oversight (Rabaka 2007).  Du Bois' unique sociological contributions as well as the contributions of other black pioneer sociologists, like Monroe Works and Richard Wright Jr., need to become more integrated into the mainstream sociological curriculum.  The continuing dismissal of Du Bois' sociological contributions as well as the contributions of other black pioneer sociologists negatively impacts the field and prevents sociology from maximizing its intended purpose of documenting and studying the quality of life of society's diverse populations (Rabaka 2007). 

    Du Bois committed his life to a relentless opposition of racial and social injustice. He documented the strivings of blacks and documented the significance of black culture for the world. Du Bois will be remembered for his quest for the truth about racial inequality and prejudice. Du Bois' early sociological work on double consciousness and the social construction of race provides a foundation for arguing that he was one of the pioneering figures in the development of sociology in the United States.                  
               
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Wortham, Robert A.  (Ed) 2009a.  W.E.B. Du Bois and the Sociological Imagination; A Reader, 1897-1914.  Waco, TX: Baylor University Press.

_____. 2009b. "W.E.B. Du Bois and the Scientific Study of Society:  1897-1914."  Pp. 1-20 in W.E.B. Du Bois and the Sociological Imagination: A Reader, 1897-1914, introduction and edited by Robert A. Wortham.Waco, TX:  Baylor University Press.

_____.  2011b. "The Sociological Souls of Black Folk: Editor's Introduction." Pp. xiii- xiv in The Sociological Souls of Black Folk, introduction, reconstructed essay, and additional editing by Robert A. Wortham. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.

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The Editorial Board of Sociation Today

Editorial Board:
Editor:
George H. Conklin,
 North Carolina
 Central University
 Emeritus

Robert Wortham,
 Associate Editor,
 North Carolina
 Central University

Board:
Rebecca Adams,
 UNC-Greensboro

Bob Davis,
 North Carolina
 Agricultural and
 Technical State
 University

Catherine Harris,
 Wake Forest
 University

Ella Keller,
 Fayetteville
 State University

Ken Land,
 Duke University

Steve McNamee,
 UNC-Wilmington

Miles Simpson,
 North Carolina
 Central University

William Smith,
 N.C. State University