Du Bois and
Double Consciousness: Influence and
Original Thoughts
by
Veronica F. Smith-Brown
North Carolina Central University
In the late 1890's and early 1900's, W.E.
B. Du Bois introduced the world to his
understanding of the concept, double
consciousness, which is based on how an
individual sees himself, or herself,
through the eyes "of others, of measuring
one's soul by the tape of the world that
looks on in amused contempt and pity" (Du
Bois[1897a] 2011a p.4). Du
Bois' view of double consciousness is
somewhat similar to Charles Horton
Cooley's concept of "The Looking Glass
Self" (Kornblum 2000). In describing
the "looking- glass self, Cooley ([1902]
1964, p. 184) maintains that "in
imagination we perceived in another's mind
some thought of appearance, manners, aims,
deeds, character, friends, and so on and
are variously affected by it." In
American society blacks have struggled
with where and how they fit into an
unwelcoming society. Black identity
has been characterized as a form of double
consciousness; the desire to be an
American and not lose one's racial
identity (Du Bois [1897a] 2011a).
For Du Bois double consciousness is one of
the key racial social constructs.
This analysis will demonstrate how social
construction and the process of
assimilation and accommodation create
double consciousness and how double
consciousness may be used to preserve
one's racial identity.
In the "Strivings of the Negro
People," Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a, p.
4) describes double consciousness in the
following manner: "These profound
words were attributed to one's thought of
one's self. Blacks feel their
two-ness, an American, and a member of the
black community, two souls, two thoughts,
two unrecognized strivings, two warring
ideals". Some have alleged that Du
Bois' use of the term, double
consciousness was drawn from , European
Romanticism and American Transcendentalism
(Bruce Jr., 1992).
Rampersad (1990) maintains that the phrase
has a medical and psychological
background. In an 1843 essay
entitled "Transcendentalist," Ralph Waldo
Emerson used the term, double
consciousness, to refer to a problem in
the life of a person seeking to take on a
transcendental perspective. Double
consciousness reflects the tension
among the self, the world, the soul, and
nature. Emerson maintained that the
demands of daily life pulled an individual
back from the divine. Thus,
Emerson's use of double consciousness
evoked a set of oppositions that became
commonplace in Transcendentalism and in
Romanticism (Bruce Jr. 1992). In the
"Strivings of Negro People," Du Bois
([1897a] 2011a) referred to similar
oppositions as he discussed the real power
of white stereotypes in black life.
Double consciousness was perceived as a
reflection of the racism that excluded
blacks from mainstream society. The
term also reflected the internal conflict
between what is understood as "African"
and what is "American" (Rampersad
1990). For Du Bois double
consciousness was also an outcome having
to cope with overt racism experienced on a
daily basis (Rampersad 1990).
Du Bois wrote The Souls of Black Folk
(1903) during the Jim Crow era where the
prevailing ideology maintained that the
races were separate but equal. In
reality the races were separate and
unequal. Early on Du Bois realized
that regardless of how talented he was,
many opportunities were not available for
him (Du Bois [1903] 2007). The
impact of racial prejudice and the stigmas
associated with Jim Crow lead one to
question one's worth and value.
These social conditions led black people
to doubt themselves and view themselves as
worthless. This self-doubt was
destructive and according to Rampersad
(1990) was an inevitable component of
double consciousness.
Double consciousness reflects the internal
conflict between what it means to be an
African and an American. African
consciousness was endowed with a
spirituality that was revealed through
Black folklore, music, and culture.
Du Bois ([1903] 2007) believed that the
black community has a message for the
world. He felt that this spiritual
consciousness could bring a softening
influence to a cold and calculating
world. He pointed out that the
spirit of Africa was preserved in the
Negro spirituals and African
consciousness. Through the concept
of double consciousness, Du Bois hoped to
make whites aware that blacks had souls.
His intent was not to imply that one race
was superior to another (Rampersad
1990). Du
Bois ([1897b] 2011a) felt that black
identity existed "within the veil," and
was defined as a "two-ness" of experiences
held in tension. James' use of
double consciousness was linked to
discussions of personality disorders and
pathologies (Smith 2004). Du Bois
did not adopt these categories to
articulate black distinctiveness.
Rather he imposed a racial interpretation
on the process of identity formation
demonstrating how race, in a racist
culture, changes and determines everything
(Smith 2004). Rather than focusing
on James' concept of social
self-recognition, Du Bois argued that
blacks viewed the world as being divided
by the "color line." The black
community was essentially shut off from
the world by a "vast veil."
Du Bois' Pioneering
Studies on Race
Many of Du Bois' studies on race were
written well before 1907. "The
Conservation of Races" was written in
1897, The Souls of Black Folk in
1903, and the Atlanta Conference report, Health
and Physique of the Negro American,which
included an extensive section on race, was
published in 1906. Du Bois' studies
on race were motivated by his
determination to present the facts about
blacks (Du Bois [1899] 1996).
Washington and Park believed that blacks
must concentrate first on economic
self-sufficiency, and accept a subordinate
role to whites. This position was
directly opposed Du Bois, who argued that
blacks should focus on obtaining political
rights and racial equality (Elias
2005). Du Bois offered sociology
another path through which to understand
race, but this path was not taken (Morris
2007). Throughout Du Bois' early
sociological period he grounded his
empirical research in a call for social
change.
From 1905 to 1910, Du Bois' thinking
shifted. He became disillusioned
with the ability of scientific evidence to
transform racial bias. Instead he
began to think about racism as forces or
ideologies which persons embrace.
Thus he began to work with the Niagara
movement, the NAACP, and became more of a
social activist (Du Bois [1940] 1968a;
1968b). After the Sam Hose lynching in
1899, Du Bois began to focus on social
action, "what ought to be" instead of
"what is." This was contrary to what
Schmoller had taught him during his
doctoral studies at Berlin (Wortham
2009b). Du Bois began to focus on
social activism rather than empirical
sociology. This is evident in his
statement of principles guiding the work
of the Niagara Movement (Du Bois
1968b). These principles addressed
such topics as voting rights, racial
equality, better working conditions, and
the development of strong leadership in
the black community (Du Bois 1968b).
However, Du Bois addressed some of these
same principles in his 1897 article, "The
Conservation of Races." A
chronological study of Du Bois' pioneering
works on race now follows.
Du Bois' first lengthy discussion of the
concept of race is found in "The
Conservation of Races" ([1897b] 2011a). He
delivered this paper to The American Negro
Academy in the year it was founded. The
American Negro Academy was an early black
scholarly organization (Appiah
1985). In this essay, Du Bois set
out to simultaneously "deconstruct, and
reconstruct race" (Rabaka 2007, p.
123). Du Bois' ([1897b] 2011a) main
argument was that every race has a
contribution to make to the rest of
humanity. Du Bois concluded that The
Negro Academy reflected the strength of
the black community, and he defined race
as a historical and cultural phenomenon
rather than a biological concept. Du
Bois conceptualized race in the following
manner.
What,
then, is race? It is a vast family
of human beings, generally of common
blood and language, always of
common history, traditions and
impulses, who are both voluntarily and
involuntarily striving together for the
accomplishment of certain more or less
vividly conceived ideals of life (Du
Bois [1897a] 2011a, p. 112).
Racial classification is based on culture
and group identification. Du Bois
([1897a] 2011a, p. 112) argued that the
primary categories of race are "whites,
blacks, and possibly the yellow
race." Moving beyond his definition
of race, Du Bois argued that it was
important that blacks achieve social
equality in America as well as maintaining
their "race identity". Du Bois
([1897a] 2011a, p. 115) asked questions
such as: "what, after all, am I? Am I an
American or am I a Negro? Can I be
both? Or is it my duty to cease to
be a Negro as soon as possible and be an
American?" Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a;
1968b) proposed that in order to "conserve
the black race," race-based organizations
such as Negro colleges, newspapers,
businesses, and organizations like The
Negro Academy were needed.
In "The Strivings of
the Negro People," Du Bois ([1897a] 2011a,
p. 3) asked "How does it feel to be a
problem?" At an early age, Du Bois was
reminded that he was different and several
life experiences prompted him to ponder
the question of blacks being perceived as
a "problem." These experiences made Du
Bois feel like an outsider, shut out from
the world by a vast veil (Du Bois
1968b). In this 1897 essay Du Bois
described how the struggle within black
people created a sense of double
consciousness.
Du Bois felt that poverty, ignorance, and
slavery were the roots of prejudice, and
educating the public with empirical
research would change how society viewed
blacks. Also, In "The Study of the Negro
Problems" Du Bois ([1898] 2009a)
outlined his approach to the study of
social factors impacting the quality of
life for blacks in America and argued that
this would be accomplished by studying a
social group in their environmental
setting. The purpose of such sociological
studies was to discover the truth.
This truth would be the foundation of
improving the life of blacks in America.
In The Philadelphia
Negro ([1899] 1996), Du Bois
addressed the prejudices against blacks in
Philadelphia's Seventh Ward. Blacks
in Philadelphia defined color prejudice as
"a common feeling of dislike for his blood
due to the color of his skin" (Du Bois
[1899] 1996, p. 322). Such
prejudices prevented blacks from obtaining
decent jobs, public conveniences, housing,
and respect. With regard to racial
interaction, Philadelphia's white
community believed that "social
interaction with a lower race is
undesirable if they want to maintain their
standards of culture" (Du Bois [1899] 1996
p. 322). Whites questioned whether
color prejudice had an influence on
everyday life, or how it could alter the
social condition of blacks. Such attitudes
made it hard for blacks to work in jobs
for which they were trained.
Consequently, many professional lawyers,
mechanical engineers, pharmacist,
teachers, or artists had to settle for
menial jobs. Where blacks did hold
high positions, they were not respected
(Du Bois [1899] 1996).
In the essay, "The
Relations of the Negroes to the Whites in
the South" ([1901] 2009a), Du Bois
comments on how difficult it is to address
social problems if a person is part of the
problem. Du Bois studied of racial
contact with respect to neighborhood
dwellings, economic relations, political
relations, and intellectual and social
contact. In many of the Southern
towns, main street represented "the color
line." The segregation among blacks
and whites was also based on the fact that
groups of people were clustered by social
class.
In The Souls of
Black Folk, Du Bois ([1903] 2007, p.
9) proposes that "the problem of the
twentieth century is the problem of the
color line." The concepts of "life
behind the veil" and "double
consciousness" were also introduced as a
means of provoking Americans to think
about race. This book offered an
assessment of racial progress and
identified the obstacles presented by
strained race relations at the end of the
nineteenth century and the beginning of
the twentieth century. He expressed
his disagreement with Booker T.
Washington's approach to race relations,
believing that Washington's approach was
counterproductive. Du Bois felt that
voting rights and education were essential
for black progress in America. Such
sociological issues as racial identity,
race relations, quality of life,
education, employment, social reform,
crime, economy, and religion are all
addressed in The Souls of Black Folk
(Wortham 2011b).
In a 1904, article "The Development of a
People," Du Bois addressed the history of
slavery, the betterment of blacks, "the
color line", public and industrial
schools, and group leadership. Du
Bois argued that black people were
perceived as failing because the advances
of black people had not been adequately
studied. According to Du Bois
(1904), black progress involved four
interconnected steps: subsistence,
accumulation, education, and
culture. Du Bois felt that many
things that needed to be learned could be
taught in family circles. "The color
line" was addressed by providing examples
of towns and states where there was
evidence of clustering of groups by
color. Du Bois (1904b) provided a
historical background of slavery and
pointed out that the slave trade in
America destroyed the black family and
family life. Advancement was thus
defined in terms of the accumulation of
wealth, the education of the young people,
and cultural development. Du Bois
(1904) felt that moral uplift, which comes
from home life, social ideals, and group
leadership, was far more important than
education. The key to the
development of people would not come from
formal educational training, but from
informal training received through one's
social surroundings, like the home.
In the 1906 Atlanta University Conference
study, The Health and Physique of the
Negro American, Du Bois published a
series of photographs to highlight that
race mixing had taken place in
America. The concept of the color
line suggested that an absolute difference
existed between blacks and whites. Du Bois
sought to discredit late nineteenth
century notions of race based on physical
characteristics as well as the myths of
white superiority and black inferiority
(Smith 2004). Ethnographic studies and
photography were used to provide empirical
evidence of race mixing. Du Bois
addressed the general physical appearance
of blacks and claimed that physical
characteristics did not provide a
biological basis for race. Du Bois sought
to discredit late nineteenth century
notions of race based on physical
characteristics as well as the myths of
white superiority and black inferiority
(Smith 2004). People of a mixed
racial ancestry challenged the existing
racial taxonomy. Although Jim Crow
segregation required whites and blacks to
be divided, race mixing had and continued
to take place.
In the 1908 essay "Race Friction between
Blacks and Whites," Du Bois questioned the
nature of race friction by asking three
questions. The first question
was, "Is the old status of acknowledged
superiority and inferiority between white
and black races in America any longer
possible (Du Bois [1908] 2009a, p.
335)?" Although the harsh forms of
slavery had been abolished, white society
still supported a white supremacy
ideology. This ideology had global
implications. Du Bois also argued
that while Atlanta University was
conducting empirical studies of race, the
rest of the nation was doing
nothing. The second question Du Bois
asked was "Are the race differences in
this case irreconcilable (Du Bois [1908]
2009a, p. 337)?" Giving the
increasing contact among races, groups,
and nations, Du Bois believed that it was
impossible to have and maintain racial or
group segregation. Du Bois continued
to stress the importance of conducting
studies on race and the race problem in
America. The third question raised by Du
Bois ([1908] 2009a, p. 335) was "Is racial
separation practicable?" Racial
separation was viewed as not being
practicable because the world economy is
based on the interaction of many
races. Separating the races would be
against the trend of the age. The
world should seek to bind the races
together instead of focusing on race
differences.
In 1909 Du Bois wrote the biography John
Brown, which he regarded as one of
his best works (Du Bois 1968b). Du Bois
was asked by Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer to
contribute to a series of biographies
known as "The American Crisis Biographies"
by writing about the life of Frederick
Douglass. Ellis Oberholtzer
eventually gave the writing assignment of
Frederick Douglass to Booker T.
Washington. Du Bois responded by
expressing that he would write about Nat
Turner. Ellis Oberholtzer then
suggested that Du Bois write about the
life of John Brown, the white leader
against slavery (Aptheker
1973). Du Bois ([1909] 1973)
used this opportunity to address the
significance of John Brown's joining
forces with blacks in the abolition of
slavery. John Brown was an abolitionist
who advocated for the abolition of
slavery. At the early age of twelve
years old, John Brown had an experience
that changed his life forever. While
visiting a family who had a young slave
boy, Brown noticed that the people he went
to visit were nice to him but were very
cruel to the young slave. The slave
experienced bitter cold living conditions
and was beaten in Brown's presence.
Brown questioned what the slave did to be
treated this way. He felt that the slave
did not deserve such treatment.
Brown pledged to destroy slavery and spent
his life trying to do so (Du Bois [1909]
1973). John Brown's efforts to
abolish slavery prompted him to sit down
with blacks either in his home or
theirs. This allowed John Brown to
touch "the souls of black folk" (Du Bois
[1909] 1973, p. 8) In John
Brown, Du Bois ([1909] 1973)
addressed the majority of his concerns
about race relations in America and how
they affected blacks by commenting on
white supremacy, race and class relations
in the early twentieth century, the gifts
blacks could offer America, racial
equality, injustices, racism, lynching,
and the colonial expansion in
Africa. At this point Du Bois
transitions from sociologist to activist
and clearly takes a position on issues
rather than being neutral. According
to Du Bois, John Brown taught us that "the
cheapest price to pay for liberty is its
cost today" (Du Bois [1909] 1973, p.
402).
During the summer of
1911, Du Bois presented the paper, "The
Negro Race in the United States of
America," at the First Universal Races
Congress in London. Here Du Bois
addressed such topics as the slave trade,
the social history of the black community
in the United States, religion, crime,
education, and occupations He
also discussed several "Negro Problems,"
such as limited educational opportunities,
paying taxes for public facilities that
blacks were not allowed to use, low wages,
voting rights, and a biased legal system
(Wortham 2009b). In this essay Du
Bois once again took the opportunity to
debate Booker T. Washington's approach to
social justice. Du Bois by no means felt
that blacks should be submissive and stay
in their places. He argued that all people
are created equal and should be treated as
such (Du Bois [1911a] 2009a).
In the same year (1911), Du Bois' first
novel, The Quest of the Silver Fleece,
was published. In this novel, Du
Bois used fiction to portray sociological
facts on race relations at the beginning
of the twentieth century (James
2012). The main character in the
book is a black woman named Zora.
Zora is a woman of courage, insight,
dignity, and power. While working as
a maid, she educated herself and became
aware of her non-white past (Du Bois
[1911b] 1974). This was similar to Du
Bois' own self-awareness (Du Bois
1968b). Zora encounters a young man
who wants to give up on his education in
order to begin farming. Zora
explains to the young man that education
is key to one's quest for success (Du Bois
[1911b] 1974). Du Bois believed that
women could elevate themselves through
education. At the time Du Bois wrote
this novel, it was significant that he
chose to write a novel featuring a black
woman as the key figure. Du Bois
appears to have taken many of his life
experiences and utilized them in a
fictional account about share cropping and
racism (James 2012). Du Bois
believed that education was a key to
advancement (Du Bois[1903] 2007; [1911b]
1974;1968b). Du Bois believed
that an educated black person would make
more social progress than an uneducated
skilled worker (Du Bois [1903]
2007).
In 1920 Du Bois published Darkwater:
Voices from Within the Veil.
This book consisted of essays, poetry and
short fiction about race, class, and
gender issues. One of the essays in
this book is, "The Souls of White
Folk." Here Du Bois specifically
addressed white supremacy as a system of
exploitation, oppression, and violence
(Rabaka 2007; Fletcher Jr. 2010).
Darkwater was published in the aftermath
of World War I and the Versallies Treaty
of 1919 which formally ended the
war. Du Bois attended the Versallies
conference, and had witnessed the
injustices of people of color globally
(Fletcher, Jr. 2010). In Darkwater Du Bois
provides a global approach to race, white
priviledge, and imperialism. Whites are
associated with the creation of a global
racial hierarchy which created terrible
conditions that black people must endure
(Fletcher, Jr. 2010). Compared to The
Souls of Black Folk, Darkwater
reflects a much harsher tone (Wortham
2011b).
In Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward An
Autobiography of a Race Concept ([1940]
1968a), Du Bois discusses his life at the
age of seventy. His concept of race is
based on his research, his educational
experiences, and his own personal
experiences. During Du Bois' early
years, he was one of a few blacks
attending his elementary or high
school. This meant that he was a
threat to his white classmates. At Fisk,
the problem of race and racism in the
South was faced openly, and at Harvard, Du
Bois was introduced to such concepts as
evolution, the survival of the fittest,
and ideas about differences in the
development of whites and the lower races
(Du Bois [1940] 1968a). In Dusk
of Dawn Du Bois again reflected on
his relationship with Booker T. Washington
and his reasons for leaving the NAACP, and
he offered further thought on a new
concept of race. Du Bois traced the
genealogy of the race concept based on how
race had affected his life. He
stated that he was born into a "colored"
family, which made him a member of the
"colored" race, but he eventually adopted
the designation, "Negro" (Du Bois [1940]
1968a).
Du Bois could not recall when his race
theories were formed and felt that it was
an unconscious process beginning in his
childhood (Du Bois [1940]
1968a). According to Du Bois
the concept of race creates barriers for
those who are outside of the group and who
consider themselves superior.
Furthermore, group barriers create an
attitude of resentment, hatred, and
disbelief, and this leads to a lack of
communication and understanding between
groups (Du Bois [1940] 1968a). At
this point in Du Bois' life, the concept
of race dominated his life. Yet, he
wondered if it may be wrong to speak of
race as a "concept."
Du Bois described the
race concept in the following manner:
This was the race concept which has
dominated my life, and the
history of which I
have attempted to make the leading theme
of
this book. It
had as I have tried to show all sorts of
illogical trends
and irreconcilable
tendencies. Perhaps it is wrong to
speak of it
all as "a concept"
rather than as a group of contradictory
forces,
facts, and
tendencies. At any
rate I hope I have made
its meaning
to me clear.
It was for me as I have written first a
matter of dawning realization, then of study
and science; then a matter of inquiry into diverse strands of my own
family; and finally consideration of my connection, physical and
spiritual, with Africa and the Negro race in its homeland (Du Bois
[1940] 1968a, pp.132-133).
Du Bois' writings were motivated by his
obsession with promoting the goodness of
blacks. He argued that all races
have a "gift" to offer the world. He used
his own life experiences to provide a
survey of the contradictory nature of the
American experience (Du Bois [1940]
1968a).
Although Du Bois' studies on race were
important, other early American
sociologists did not follow his
lead. Du Bois' early contributions
with respect to research methodology and
race have not been fully recognized.
Although Du Bois produced path-breaking
scholarship on race and social inequality,
it has taken sociology one hundred years
to begin to incorporate his insights into
the core of the discipline (Wortham 2011b;
2009b; Rabaka 2007; Morris
2007). Du Bois was isolated
institutionally and intellectually, and
due to the lack of funding, he found
himself begging white philanthropists for
research support (Du Bois 1968). Du
Bois struggled with funding while white
scholars, like Park and Odum, did not face
the same challenges (Morris 2007).
Du Bois was fully aware of his
limitations, but he pressed on and took
advantage of any opportunity he could to
educate society about the "Negro problems"
and demonstrate why the problem of the
twentieth century was "the problem of the
color line."
Conclusion
The purpose of this
essay was to illuminate W.E.B. Du Bois'
contributions to the sociological study of
race. The majority of Du Bois'
sociological work was published before
1907 thus preceding the work of Robert
Park and the Chicago School. William
Edward Burghardt Du Bois, a black author,
educator, historian, sociologist, and
social activist, displayed a great amount
of determination and courage as he tried
to lift "the veil" and transcend "the
color line" that was socially constructed
by white society. His primary focus
was on discrimination and the rigid
American racial caste system (Rabaka
2007). In works like The Souls of
Black Folk and The Philadelphia
Negro, he empirically addressed the
problems faced by the black community in
such an eloquent and balanced way that he
was able to attract white readers.
This was his way of offering facts about
the true identity of a race that was
regarded as inferior Du Bois'
formal education provided the foundation
for his inductive approach to the study of
social phenomena, and he initially
accepted the premise of grounding social
reform in the collection of
facts. He believed the aim of
sociology was to discover the truth (Du
Bois [1899] 1996). Through his work
with the Atlanta sociological laboratory
and the Atlanta University Conferences, he
was able to address issues of race and
economic co-operation. These
conferences contributed to the
understanding of racial inequality and the
quality of black life at the end of the
nineteenth century and the beginning of
the twentieth century (Wortham
2009b). Du Bois was concerned with
black identity, "the Negro Problems," and
the portrayal of black people as less than
human and not having souls. Du Bois'
work has been monumental to the history of
the economic, political, and social
development of black people since the
Civil War. Du Bois devoted his
impressive body of sociological work to
exposing the false assumptions about
blacks. Over one hundred years later, Du
Bois' concept of double consciousness is
still a relevant concept and provides a
key to understanding the identity of
people experiencing prejudice and
discrimination.
Du Bois was a man of vision who dedicated
his whole life to addressing racial
inequality and presenting facts in order
to improve the problems of blacks.
He was a pioneer in that he explored
unchartered areas of black heritage.
Du Bois was a meticulous researcher.
His empirical method of data collecting is
well documented and he was conducting
small area studies at the same time that
these studies were popular at the
University of Chicago (Wortham 2011b,
2009b). He dedicated his whole life
to collecting and analyzing relevant data
pertaining to blacks. Du Bois' ([1899]
1996) intentions originally were to
provide factual information in order to
prompt changes related to the perceptions
and treatment of blacks. Eventually
his focus on empirical data gave way to
his promotion of social activism as a
means of addressing inequality and
prejudice. Additionally, Du Bois
founded several organizations to promote
the improvement of life for blacks in the
United States and throughout the world (Du
Bois 1968b).
American sociology has
failed to fully incorporate and integrate
contributions of early first generation
black sociologists like W.E. B. Du Bois,
Monroe Work, and Richard Wright, Jr. into
the development of the discipline.
These underrepresented social scientists
provided innovative research methodologies
and theoretical frameworks appropriate for
the study of social issues that concern
the black community and the larger
American society (Saint-Arnaud 2009;
Rabaka 2007; Wortham 2011b; 2009a). The
limited attention diverted towards W.E.B.
Du Bois' unique application of double
consciousness to racial identity formation
and the social construction of race is a
clear example of this oversight (Rabaka
2007). Du Bois' unique sociological
contributions as well as the contributions
of other black pioneer sociologists, like
Monroe Works and Richard Wright Jr., need
to become more integrated into the
mainstream sociological curriculum.
The continuing dismissal of Du Bois'
sociological contributions as well as the
contributions of other black pioneer
sociologists negatively impacts the field
and prevents sociology from maximizing its
intended purpose of documenting and
studying the quality of life of society's
diverse populations (Rabaka 2007).
Du Bois committed his life to a relentless
opposition of racial and social injustice.
He documented the strivings of blacks and
documented the significance of black
culture for the world. Du Bois will be
remembered for his quest for the truth
about racial inequality and prejudice. Du
Bois' early sociological work on double
consciousness and the social construction
of race provides a foundation for arguing
that he was one of the pioneering figures
in the development of sociology in the
United
States.
References
Appiah, Anthony. 1985. The Uncompleted
Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of
Race. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Aptheker,
Herbert. 1973. The
Correspondence of W.E.B. Du Bois, Volume
I Selections, 1877-1934.
Amherst, MA: University of
Massachusetts Press.
Bruce Jr., Dickson
D. 1992. "W.E.B. Du Bois and the Idea of
Double Consciousness." American
Literature. 64:299-309.
Cooley, Charles
Horton. ([1902] 1964). Human
Nature and the Social Order.
New York: Schocken.
Du Bois,
W.E.B. [1897a] 2011a. "Strivings of
the Negro People." Atlantic
Monthly 80: 194-198.
Reprinted in The Sociological Souls of
Black Folks, edited and introduction
by Robert Wortham, pp. 3-8. Lanham,
Md. Lexington Books.
_____.
[1897b] 2011a. "The Conservation of
Races." American Negro Academy, Occasional
Papers, No. 2. Washington, DC: American
Negro Academy. Reprinted in The
Sociological Souls of Black Folk,
edited and introduction by Robert Wortham,
pp. 111-119. Lanham, Md. Lexington
Books.
_____. [1898]
2009a. "The Study of the Negro
Problems." Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social
Sciences. 11:1-23. Reprinted
in W.E.B. Du Bois and the Sociological
Imagination: A Reader 1897-1914,
edited by Robert Wortham, pp. 33-50. Waco,
TX: Baylor University.
_____.
([1899] 1996). The Philadelphia Negro:
A Social Study, introduction by
Elijah Anderson. Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press.
_____. ([1901]
2009a). "The Relations of the
Negroes to the Whites in the South."
Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Sciences.
18:121-40. Reprinted in W.E.B.
Du Bois and the Sociological
Imagination; A Reader 1897-1914,
edited by Robert Wortham, pp.
319-334. Waco, TX: Baylor
University.
_____. ([1903]
2007). The Souls of Black Folk.
New York: Cosimo, Inc.
_____. 1904. "The
Development of a People." International
Journal of Ethics, Vol.14,
No.3 pp.292-311.
_____. [1908]
2009a. "Race Friction Between Black
and White." American Journal of
Sociology. 12:834-838. Reprinted in
W.E.B. Du Bois and the Sociological
Imagination; A Reader 1897-1914, edited
by Robert Wortham, pp.
335-341. Waco, TX: Baylor
University.
_____. ([1909]
1973). John Brown. New York:
International Publishers.
_____.
[1911a] 2009a. "The Negro Race in
the United States of America." The
American Missionary. 45:
323-324. Reprinted in W.E.B. Du Bois
and the Sociological Imagination: A
Reader 1897-1914, edited by Robert
Wortham, pp. 111-136. Waco, TX: Baylor
University.
_____. [1911b]
1974. The Quest of the Silver
Fleece, introduction by Herbert
Aptheker. Mineola, New York: Dover
Publications, Inc.
_____. [1940]
1968a. Dusk of Dawn: An Essay Toward
An Autobiography of a Race Concept.
New York: Schocken Books.
_____.
1968b. The Autobiography of W.E.
B. Du Bois: A Soliloquy of Viewing
My Life from the Last Decade of
the First Century. New
York: International Publishers.
Elias, Sean. 2005.
"W.E.B. Du Bois's and Robert E. Park's
Understanding of Race
Relations."http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p21381_index.
html.
Accessed November 13,
2013.
Fletcher Jr.,
Bill. 2010. "Rediscovering
'The Souls of White Folk." The
Black Commentator.
www.BlackCommentator.com. Accessed
November 12, 2011.
James,
Rashad. 2012. "Du Bois' The
Quest of the Silver Fleece:
Sociology through Fiction." Sociation
Today, 10: 2.
www.ncsociology/sociationtoday/vol2/fleece.htm.
Kornblum,
William. 2000. Sociology
in a Changing World. New York:
Harcourt College Publishers.
Morris, Aldon
. 2007. "Sociology of Race and
W.E.B. Du Bois: The Path Not
Taken." Sociology in
America: A History, Craig Calhoun
(Ed.), Pp.503-534. Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press.
Rabaka, Reiland.
2007. "The Souls of White folk: W.E.B. Du
Bois's Critique of White Supremacy and
Contributions to Critical White Studies."
Journal of African American Studies.
24: 210-217.
Rampersad,
Arnold. 1990. The Art and
Imagination of W.E.B. Du Bois.
New York: Schocken Books.
Saint-Arnaud,
Pierre. 2009. African
American Pioneers of Sociology: A
Critical History, translated by
Peter Feldstein. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press.
Smith, Shawn
Michele. 2004. Photography on the
Color Line: W.E.B. Du Bois, Race, and
Visual Culture. Durham: Duke
University Press.
Wortham, Robert
A. (Ed) 2009a. W.E.B. Du
Bois and the Sociological Imagination; A
Reader, 1897-1914. Waco, TX:
Baylor University Press.
_____. 2009b.
"W.E.B. Du Bois and the Scientific Study
of Society: 1897-1914." Pp.
1-20 in W.E.B. Du Bois and the
Sociological Imagination: A Reader,
1897-1914, introduction and edited
by Robert A. Wortham.Waco, TX:
Baylor University Press.
_____. 2011b.
"The Sociological Souls of Black Folk:
Editor's Introduction." Pp. xiii- xiv in The
Sociological Souls of Black Folk,
introduction, reconstructed essay, and
additional editing by Robert A. Wortham.
Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.