Editorial Board:
Editor:
George H. Conklin,
 North Carolina
 Central University

Board:
Bob Davis,
 North Carolina
 Agricultural and
 Technical State
 University

Richard Dixon,
 UNC-Wilmington

Ken Land,
 Duke University

Miles Simpson,
 North Carolina
 Central University

Ron Wimberley,
 N.C. State University

Robert Wortham,
 North Carolina
 Central University




Editorial Assistants

Rob Tolliver,
 North Carolina
 Central University

Shannon O'Connor,
 North Carolina
 Central University

John W.M. Russell,
 Technical
 Consultant

® 

Volume 5, Number 1

Spring 2007
 

The Changing Status of Islamic
Women:
A Sociological Analysis of Zeenat Marches in the President's Funeral 

by

Dana M. Greene
and James R. Peacock

Appalachian State University

Introduction

    Recent literature on nations and nationalism has addressed a plethora of issues ranging from the emergence of print-capitalism as a means of unifying people with the power of language and singular understanding to the myth-symbol complex that identifies and presumes that certain universally accepted symbols (i.e. Cross or Star of David) carry with them a community of people with shared beliefs and/or ideologies.  While much work on nationalism (Anderson 1991; Brubaker 1992; Chatterjee 1998, 1995; Gellner 1997, 1983; Seton-Watson 1977; Smith 1992, 1986, 1981, 1971) relies heavily on the historical emergence of nationalism, national identities, and national movements, very few address the cultural aspects of nationalism and even fewer engage the gender component.  Accordingly, this paper extends the nationalist discourse to the Egyptian context and examines how the cultural production of Egyptian women’s novellas embodies a nationalist commentary on President Nasser's era of Arab Nationalism (1952-1970). 

    Although Egyptian women were not able to be active participants in the nationalist movement during the Nasser era, they did participate in other ways; namely, they recognized, documented, and commented on many of the changes that were occurring in their country through their writing of fiction.  The form that Egyptian women's writing took was unique in that it made public women’s previously unheard and unpublished interpretations of the era of Arab Nationalism under Nasser.  The references to specific symbolization and the descriptive language and phrasing shed light on many of the hidden intricacies of lived realities of being female in Egypt during this era.  As Booth (1991) contends, many of the novellas that are currently being published are themselves, commentaries on historical occurrences and politics.   This distinctive genre of short stories or novellas is such that it enables the reader to understand not only the historical occurrences during this era, but also those cultural, social, religious, and/ or political events that Egyptian women felt were of primary importance.  Iranian scholar, Farzaneh Milani posits that literature, for her, represented a safe haven in which she reflected an effort to “negotiate the aesthetics of silence, to free women’s public voice, to come to terms with the symbols and institutions of the veil” (Milani 1992: xiv).  She further argues that women, through their use of symbolic representations in their writing, have come to embody their nations’ dreams and nightmares.  Thus, this article focuses on these silenced voices to consider issues of cultural nationalism as they are exemplified in Salwa Bakr's novella "Zeenat fii Jinazat al-Ra'is" ("Zeenat Marches in the President's Funeral"). 

    John Hutchinson (1992) contends that cultural nationalism (as an original form of nationalism) differs greatly from previously accepted theories about the historical origins of nationalism and nationalist movements.  He argues that because other literature on nationalism has obscured the importance of culture, and thus, cultural nationalism, it is necessary to thoroughly examine and integrate the cultural aspects of nationalist movements and national symbols in order to fully understand the complexity of the culture component within more detailed studies of nationalism.   Because a culturally nationalist form may be anything from music to art to literature to poetry, the manner in which these genres spread a message and a nationalist image and reach large numbers of people cannot be ignored.  Thus, Hutchinson argues that cultural nationalists are those who have the potential to change the way people think about nations and nationalism through unique genres.  Cultural nationalism therefore brings cultural and national symbols to the forefront in such a manner that they call attention to the nationalist agenda from which they emanate. 

    Cultural nationalism inherently leads to political nationalism.  Yet, unlike traditional nationalist movements in which the organization is around the creation or renovation of an existing state apparatus (as a top down movement), cultural nationalist movements tend to take the opposite approach; that is, they tend to be bottom up movements so that they can pay much needed attention to "natural diversities" (i.e. regional, occupational, religious, etc.) within the nation (Hutchinson 1992).

    While it is the educated elite who are the main instigators of nationalist movements, in general, and cultural nationalism, in particular, it is important to note that there are always a variety of socio-political and socio-cultural forces (i.e. state power, religion, language, social and economic discontents, and economic pressures) working in tandem with one another to give the movement strength (Seton-Watson 1977).  Thus, with respect to the rise of cultural nationalism (in the form of women's literature) in Egypt, we will make the argument that even though Egyptian women share the Muslim faith with their male counterparts, the manner in which they practice their religion, in conjunction with how they interpret and portray social, political, and cultural events that are/ have been going on around them in their novellas (i.e. through the use of language), is different enough to give rise to a very strong cultural nationalist movement (of which women have been the primary instigators).

    Benedict Anderson (1991) states that the printed word has the power to bring people together with a shared understanding and ideology through printed media (i.e. newspapers, magazines, religious doctrine, and propaganda) to emphasize the importance of language (in the form of print-capitalism) in instigating and perpetuating a cultural nationalist movement.  He contends that people come together into organized groups based on their understandings and allegiances to what they have read.  He further argues that "official nationalism" arises as a response to a movement by the people that threaten the state apparatus.  It is thus a grass-roots movement; one that has the potential to contribute to the rapid development of a cohesive nation-state (Anderson 1991).   However, while print-capitalism and the printed word are highly potent carriers of cultural nationalism, their potency does not carry the same weight in all nation-states or in all societies.  That is, Anderson's conception of print capitalism, while promulgated by the societal elite in most Western societies, is extremely problematic in the Middle East.  It is not possible to simply regard language and print capitalism as the most essential characteristic of national identity in the Middle East because not all members of society had/ have the same access to education and, thus, to the ability to read.  This is particularly the case with Egyptian women, who, until fairly recently (within the past 50 years), have not been considered part of the Egyptian literary culture.  In fact, a higher illiteracy rate was evident prior to the 1930s in Egypt (and during British colonialism) than during and immediately following the Nasserist era (Baron 1991).

    Thus, instead of highlighting the power of printed language alone (as Anderson does), Anthony Smith (1986) contends that it is necessary to examine the adoption of shared symbols in the creation of shared communities and nations.  Referring to the core of his theory as the "myth-symbol complex," Smith argues that there needs to be a shared set of symbols that have a shared importance, delineate a shared history, and give rise to a common culture in order for a strong community to exist.  Attaching importance to an object or symbol (i.e. the Cross, the Star of David, or in Islam, the hijab [headscarf/veil]) within a community of people will attract large numbers of people, and allegiances and sentiments will become attached to the symbol.  This use of culturally significant symbols from the Egyptian communities from which each author comes is evident in Egyptian novellas because the authors typically use symbols to depict an event, or historical, social, or cultural particularity that has/ had a shared importance (i.e. the hijab) for all in the community.  With regard to the historical era that is the subject of this paper, it is clear that how Egyptian women writers view Nasser, and, in turn, his national and international policies strongly influence how the era is portrayed in their literature.  Lastly, the symbols (i.e. letters and other correspondence or the military) associated with his actions tend to be the ones that are used most commonly.  Thus, the manner in which women write their stories about the end of the Nasser regime and Arab Nationalism as well as the symbols that they invoke may be seen as inherently culturally constructed.

    Margot Badran (1995) documents the intersection of social class with a discernable feminist consciousness throughout Egyptian social history.  As was the case in the West, those women who sought to have a voice on politics, social issues, religion, and gender dynamics were typically those who were part of the privileged class in the society.  This privileged class provided the opportunity for home schooling for girls that included literacy and writing that was not afforded to working class or even middle class women and girls.  The early feminist effort, therefore, was inherently class-based and sought for equality for a small number of Egyptian women.  The effort continued through the writing of letters, diaries, political commentaries, and novellas.  Egyptian women drew upon the opportunity to become literate as a means of building a sisterhood and integrating into society a gendered feminist perspective on politics, culture, religion, and the position of women.  As Badran (1995: 15) states, "[s]haring a consciousness of gender with other isolated women was the first step in building a sisterhood…[and] literacy also gave secluded women a chance to speak to men, to expose their complicity in keeping women behind and to interrogate such actions."  Literacy also afforded women the opportunity to gain entry into the public sphere – a region that had been previously kept from their reach for religious and cultural reasons.

   The early 1920s marked a critical turn in the feminist movement in modern Egypt.  Prior to this time, social class was the key factor of "women's social practice and interactions of the sexes (Badran 1995: 47)."  In the early 1920s, however, religion and ethnicity began to overtake social class as a determinant of the expectations of middle and upper class women (Badran 1995).  It was at this time that women began to recognize trends toward nationalism and the impact of a national consciousness on women and men within the nation.  Recognizing the constraints of a strong patriarchal moral code, upper class women began to comment in their writing regarding the most efficient means by which to navigate socio-religious expectations with increasing modernizing forces within their nation.   These commentaries were published in books in mainstream society and thus the perspectives reached the greater Egyptian society (Badran 1995).  As Badran notes, "(b)reaking through old boundaries, these feminists championed roles for women beyond the household (Badran 1995: 66)."  Authors like Salwa Bakr picked up this cultural form (as a member of this elite intelligentsia of educated upper middle class Egyptian women) and issued her commentaries on historical events in her writing of fiction.  What follows is an examination of Salwa Bakr’s [1986 (Arabic)]; Booth 1991 (English)] novella entitled, Zeenat fii Jinazat al-Ra'is (Zeenat Marches in the President's Funeral) as an example of such feminist commentary. 

    Bakr's novella centers on one woman's (Zeenat) "imagined" relationship with Gamal abd al-Nasser toward the end of the era of Arab Nationalism.  The story opens with Zeenat reminiscing with `Abduh the Barber about the letters that she has written to the President of the Republic (presumably Nasser).  Thinking back to a letter that Zeenat wrote to Nasser that resulted (she thinks) in a government official coming to inspect her living conditions and giving her a pension of eighteen pounds per month (roughly equivalent to nine US dollars at the time), Zeenat reconfirms, in her own mind, that Nasser, the busy President of the Republic, and whose ideas on Arab Nationalism she deeply respects, really does have the Egyptian people's best interest at heart.   Zeenat feels she has a special relationship with the President.  She endeavors to improve her living conditions and wishes only to make the President proud of her as a true Egyptian woman who has not participated in any of the perils of Western imperialism.  Yet, while edicts issued by Nasser were particularly harsh for women during the era, Zeenat cannot bring herself to be angry with him.  Instead, she feels the need to rationally discuss her views with the President.  She desires to make him understand how much she supports his policies toward the west, but also how much she disapproves of his policies for women.  Additionally, it has become clear to Zeenat that not all of Nasser's policies were benefiting Egypt.  Zeenat (and, more directly, Bakr) felt that the poor living conditions and substandard quality of food evidenced Nasser’s need to direct more of his attention to the problems at home in Egypt.  This issue points to how concerned Nasser was with how his policies and leadership would be perceived by other Arab nations.  As a result, his vision of Arab nationalism became an ideal type even though it was not always the best solution for the Egyptian people. 

    Zeenat's wish to come face to face with Nasser becomes an obsession for her.  To the chagrin of those around her, Zeenat stalks Nasser.  She hides by the sides of buildings that line the streets that Nasser's envoy takes to his workplace and to Friday prayers.  She does not care what anyone says or even about the threats to her own personal safety.  Finally, Zeenat has had enough of simply watching Nasser from afar.  One Friday before the afternoon prayers, she rushes out into the street.  Just as she approaches the car and tries to meet the President, she is suddenly trampled by a group of Egyptian soldiers who, she states, appeared to "drop out of the heavens just to fall precisely on her" and keep her away from the President (Booth 1991: 25-26).  Zeenat is heartbroken at this juncture and resolves to write several more letters to Nasser.  Her dream is to meet him and to give him "feedback" about how he is governing the country.  Yet, it suddenly dawns on her why this kind of meeting can never take place – she is female.  Only men can be legitimately out in the streets, participating in the parades, and only men have access to Nasser.  She thus begins to devise a plan to try to get as close to the President as possible – perhaps then he and his men will take her more seriously – even though there is no indication that Nasser even recognizes that Zeenat is trying to make contact with him.

    As she wants so badly to gain access to the President and talk with him about her views about the nature of Egyptian society, Zeenat enlists the help of `Abduh the Barber with writing her letters to Nasser.  The more impassioned Zeenat becomes in her quest, the more her letters (written by `Abduh the Barber) reflect Nasser's Philosophy of the Revolution in which Nasser details his vision for a true Egyptian society. Zeenat is elated at the way `Abduh's letter to the President turns out and is certain that this letter will elicit the response that she desires; namely, to meet the President and speak with him face-to-face about her perceptions of his regime.  Unfortunately, three days after her letter is mailed, `Abduh comes to Zeenat with terrible news; Gamal abd-al Nasser has died.

    At this point, Zeenat is heartbroken.  She attends the funeral with `Abduh and then goes to wail with the other women who are slapping themselves in grief in a nearby alley.  Suddenly, Zeenat rushes out into the crowd and pushes herself past the guards to get a look at the body.  She cannot think rationally and is completely obsessed with seeing her "savior."  Unfortunately, as such behavior is highly inappropriate for a woman, she is arrested immediately for her "plot against the government."

    While the final paragraph of the story details the fact that Zeenat continued to be arrested for her protests against governmental policy, the story of her relationship and adoration of Nasser and his Arab Nationalism essentially ends here.  What is significant about this story is that Zeenat is breaking traditional gender roles in an era that is traditionally known for being androcentric and very male-oriented (Mehrez 1994).  Zeenat, not only imagines a link between herself and Nasser, but also takes action by enlisting `Abduh the Barber's assistance with writing letters (using the appropriate prose).  Zeenat embodies the nationalist spirit that women, who were not active participants in the Egyptian public sphere at this time, may have been feeling. 

    It is important to note that through the cultural production of her letters, Zeenat was able to enlist the aid of someone who, originally, did not believe in what she was trying to accomplish.  When Zeenat first began writing letters to Nasser, `Abduh dismissed her as being a "frivolous, impulsive, and crazy woman" who had no chance of being taken seriously by governmental authorities.  Yet, as time passed and `Abduh began helping Zeenat, he, too, became obsessed with getting a message through to the President.  The very fact that she uses letter writing to get her message across (when women were barred from publishing) is significant and symbolizes the power of the written word.  In the realm of cultural nationalism, the written word can be an extremely powerful and cohesion building tool.  Zeenat's letters clearly represent only one symbol of her form of nationalism – one that may have been unique to her (or Bakr), but one that had the capacity to "rub off" on those around her.

    Cultural nationalism necessarily invokes alternative genres (i.e., music, art, literature, performance, etc.).  The alternative genres (to popular or mass organized protest that are commonly seen in political nationalist movements) come more from the individuals who participate in the "making of the genre" than from political stimuli.  Thus, it is interesting to examine a novella such as Zeenat Marches in the President's Funeral as one woman's (Bakr's) contribution to the realm of cultural nationalism.  Bakr meant this story to be a commentary on the position of women within the Nasser regime.  By characterizing Zeenat the way she did, Bakr used gender and writing (rather than religion) as a means of bringing people together in the creation of a shared ideology and in support for Arab Nationalism and Nasser's policies.  Nadje Sadiq al-Ali (1994) noted that Bakr strives to have her writings serve as direct commentaries on the position of women within a highly politicized and gendered society.

    Much of feminist theorizing has involved the quest for a female identity and the elaboration of "woman" as an independent and morally responsible being.  In its critique of women's roles and its attempt to comment on the position of women at the end of the era of Arab Nationalism and the beginning of the Sadat era of the Infitah (Open Door Policy), Bakr's Zeenat Marches in the President’s Funeral engages the power of the written word in the production of works of cultural nationalism.  The story represents commentary on different aspects of Egyptian society that appear to have been written by Bakr in an attempt to influence the way readers think about Egyptian society under Nasser.  Additionally, as a work of cultural nationalism, Bakr strives, through her participation in the creation of a unique readership of Arab women's writings, to create a cohesive group of people with a shared understanding and interpretation of what life is like for women in Egyptian society.

    Bakr's, Zeenat Marches in the President’s Funeral is noteworthy not only because it represents the female perspective, but also because it represents both a feminist and a cultural nationalist critique of Egyptian policy and of Nasser.  While it is a widely known fact that Bakr does not particularly believe herself to be a feminist in the Western sense of the term, it is clear that her main character, Zeenat, exhibits many qualities that would be attributed to a feminist within Western scholarship.  For example, the very effort that Zeenat makes to write letters to the President in conjunction with the manner in which she devises to make herself more noticeable to Nasser, conflicts with the commonly held stereotype of the submissive and deferent Middle Eastern woman.  Instead, Bakr has aptly portrayed a woman (Zeenat) who is capable of thinking for herself and who takes action on her principles.  In the case of Zeenat Marches in the President's Funeral the tables are turned.  It is Zeenat who seeks help from `Abduh the Barber.  It is also Zeenat who does not listen to `Abduh when he tries to tell her that her plans to get a message to the President are ludicrous.  Rather, it is the woman (the main character) who exerts the force in this story and shows the manner in which Egyptian women internalized much of Nasser's doctrine of Arab nationalism and Arab unity.  The reader sees that Zeenat does not adhere to Western principles and actually denounces Western imperialism (much as Nasser has encouraged all of Egypt to do in his Philosophy of the Revolution).  Zeenat appears to epitomize what Egypt strives to be during this era.

    In conclusion, Bakr's novella may be seen as a form of cultural nationalism.  It invokes an alternative genre, the myth-symbol complex, as well as the production and consumption of the cultural artifact: the Egyptian women's short story or novella.  The manner in which Bakr draws upon the power of the pen (e.g., Bakr uses Zeenat's writing skills as means of drawing more people into her "circle") largely reflects the power of Anderson's (1991) print-capitalism and Smith's (1986) myth-symbol complex.  The manner in which the writing reflects a new Egypt: one that adopts a class-based, gendered commentary on Nasserist rhetoric is clearly nationalist, and the form in which this nationalist sentiment is conveyed is clearly cultural – the novella that transmits a message.  Lastly, the Egyptian novella is highly gendered.  It is unlikely that a male author would invoke the use of fantasy or obsession to comment on Arab Nationalism.  The Egyptian novella may be seen as a culturally nationalist form in which the female voice is uniquely positioned to provide commentary on the daily existence, thoughts, and interpretations of nationalism by women in Egyptian society.  Thus, one may view the Egyptian novella as a unique cultural form; one that has the potential to contribute "new" (previously unread) perspectives to the study of cultural nationalism.

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