Tracing
America's Forgotten First
Abolitionist
by
Donald
F. Nelson
The
sesquicentennial year of Lincoln's
signing of the Emancipation
Proclamation rekindled interest in the
abolitionist movement and to the
several notable figures who
contributed mightily to its
realization; a three-part PBS
television series in 2013 was built
around the contributions of William
Lloyd Garrison, Angelina Grimké,
Frederick Douglass, John Brown, and,
of course, Abraham Lincoln. But the
movement did not begin suddenly with
Garrison, as I learned through my
research of an 1826 letter and its
original recipient, one Benjamin
Lundy.
I found the letter
among the letters to my maternal
grandfather, Andrew Atchison, from his
future wife, written during their
courtship; it was clearly a cherished
possession to be in such company.
Dated June 5, 1826, the letter was
written by a Richard Mendenhall of
James Town, North Carolina, to
Benjamin Lundy of Baltimore, Maryland.
But who were these two men? Why was it
a keepsake? And how had it come down
to Atchison? Neither man was a
relative of his, and it was mailed
thirty years before Atchison's birth.
I
started by deciphering the handwriting
and making a transcription. In the
first paragraph, the writer welcomed
his friend Lundy home from Hayti (as
the country was then spelled) and
lamented some loss he had suffered in
ornate, but obscure, language. Then in
mid-sentence he launched into an
apparently original (a Google search
found no analogue) thirteen-line poem
of condolence in perfect rhyming
iambic pentameter. Its meaning,
however, was far from obvious:
Thy hopes, thy woes,
thy griefs and fears,
Taken from
thee how tarnished all appears.
Yet wafted on
the polar star thy guide,
Thy cause is
buoyant, tho' thyself had died.
Beneath the
waves had sunk and seen no more,
Thy cause had
lived and beamed along the shore.
Companion's
tears thy children had bedewed,
Each nugget
hath with fragrant laurels strewed.
Each Slavite's
hand in conscious justice raised,
Smiting his
breast, the darling babes had
praised.
But other
toils are still reserved in store,
To rear thy
babes, and what thee can, no more,
And seek to
find thy wife on no delusive shore.
While the couplet involving Slavites
(slavery backers) and babes is
baffling, it appears Lundy's cause has
survived some unidentified tragedy.
His need to raise his babes gets
mention, as does a sinking, and he is
advised where not to search for his
wife. Was his wife lost in a shipwreck
on Lundy's Hayti trip? The 19th
century amateur poet's verse taxed my
abilities at exegesis, so I decided to
find out who Lundy was. A library
search yielded immediate success.
Benjamin Lundy was
the leading abolitionist in America
between 1820 and 1830, before William
Lloyd Garrison became prominent in the
national debate. This immediately
answered why the letter was a
keepsake: my grandfather had spent the
1880s founding, teaching in, and
managing the Freedmen's Academy of
Kansas, established for African
Americans who had fled the South in
the “Exodus of 1879” after the end of
Reconstruction.
Born in Greenville,
Sussex County, New Jersey, in 1789,
Lundy left home at twenty to
apprentice with a saddler in Wheeling,
then a part of Virginia. Reared in the
Religious Society of Friends (Quakers)
with its century-old opposition to
slavery, Lundy was appalled to witness
the active slave market there and
resolved to “break at least one link
of that ponderous chain of
oppression.” After moving to nearby
St. Clairsville, Ohio, marrying Esther
Lewis, and establishing his own
saddlery, he was ready to carry out
his vow.
At the time,
progress towards abolition had led to
a lull in anti-slavery agitation;
gradual emancipation (the mandatory
freeing of children of slaves) had
been enacted in six northeastern
states, and Congress had ended the
foreign slave trade in 1808, the
earliest date a special Constitutional
provision allowed. Lundy revived the
languishing cause when in 1816 he
formed the Union Humane Society, with
aims of gradual emancipation through
political means and of aid to freed
slaves. Lundy's approach to abolition,
tempered by his Quaker pacifism and by
the northeastern states' success in
implementing gradual emancipation by
political means, was arguably proven
inadequate by the horrendous civil war
it finally took to eradicate
slavery—which explains why his efforts
are today undervalued and even
overlooked, as in that recent PBS
series.
Later in 1816,
Lundy briefly collaborated with
Charles Osborn, a Quaker minister, in
publishing a new paper, the Philanthropist,
which backed many causes, but
particularly abolition. The
collaboration did not work out, but
Lundy founded his own newspaper in
1821. Despite its cumbersome name, Genius
of Universal Emancipation, it
became the nation's first influential
and long-lasting publication devoted
entirely to abolition. Soon he moved
the paper to Greeneville, Tennessee;
printing the Genius, as it was
called, in a slave state seemed
appropriate to Lundy at the time. The
paper developed a national circulation
through subscription agents in
twenty-one states (Mendenhall's letter
suggests he was one of them). It
became apparent to Lundy by 1824 that
the paper could be more influential if
it were published on the East Coast,
so he moved it to Baltimore, where he
was living at the time of Mendenhall's
letter in 1826.
Though Lundy was often required to
fulfill all the roles of his paper
from writer to typesetter, he was also
an indefatigable lecturer, activist,
and organizer for abolition, which is
what took him to Hayti, a country
whose independence had been won in a
slave revolt in 1804. Its president,
Jean Pierre Boyer, was open to
resettlement of freedmen from the
United States and was willing to help
defray transportation costs and aid in
resettlement. Lundy thought such a
program offered the best long-term
solution for the African Americans, a
view shared by a sizeable portion of
white Americans in the 1820s. (The
colonization of Liberia also dates
from this era.) Six thousand freedmen
had been resettled in Hayti when Lundy
traveled there in January 1826,
accompanying a group of freedmen
organized by North Carolina Quakers.
Lundy's wife Esther was pregnant when
he left but had agreed to his trip,
knowing how devoted Benjamin was to
his cause. Negotiations for continued
immigration were difficult, though,
since Boyer had become dissatisfied
with the costs and problems of the
program, and Lundy's trip extended
well beyond the expected eight weeks.
The
worst happened in his absence: Esther
died in childbirth of twins, a boy and
a girl, who both survived. Lundy
arrived home to an empty house and
severe criticism from the Quaker
community, which nonetheless had
stepped in to care for his three
children and two newborns. This
explains the reference to the loss of
Lundy's wife in Mendenhall's poem, but
the image of a shipwreck remains
puzzling, perhaps a result of
misinformation.
Turning the
attention of my research to Richard
Mendenhall, the author of the letter,
I was again successful. He was a
prominent member of the James Town
Quaker community, living there from
his birth in 1778 to his death in
1851. His home, built in 1811, is now
on the National Register of Historic
Places maintained by the Historic
Jamestown Society; its being on the
main road between Greensborough and
High Point enabled Mendenhall to offer
accommodations to needy travelers and,
it was rumored, to escaped slaves on
the underground railway. His formal
education apparently did not go beyond
the local Quaker school, but he used
his father's extensive library to
further his learning. He took over his
father's tannery, married Mary Pegg in
1812, and had seven children by her.
Though he remained a tanner throughout
life, he taught on occasion in the
Quaker school, and was for a time a
state legislator. A published
horticulturist, he wrote an extensive
manual on tanning in late life.
Mendenhall also was
a founding member of the North
Carolina Manumission Society, which
aimed at helping slaves to obtain
their freedom. He described the deep
Christian beliefs behind his
commitment in a piece called "The
Author's Apology." He was also active
in the Meeting for Sufferings, a
Quaker organization that responded to
the illegality of freeing slaves in
North Carolina by purchasing slaves,
training them in a trade, and
escorting them surreptitiously to a
free state such as Ohio, to Hayti, or
to Liberia. Thus, it was natural that
Mendenhall would be writing Lundy upon
his return from Hayti; the group of
freedmen that Lundy had just escorted
there was from the Meeting for
Sufferings.
Let us return
briefly to the remainder of
Mendenhall's letter. After the
poem of condolence, Mendenhall
delivered an ornately worded
excoriation of the "late" Senator of
Virginia for his pro-slavery views in
his publicized correspondence with the
governor of Virginia. The late Senator
of Virginia must be James Barbour, who
had not died but had resigned his
Senate seat the year before to become
the Secretary of War in the Cabinet of
John Quincy Adams. The governor of
Virginia at the time was John Tyler,
who would later become the country's
tenth president. Mendenhall also
criticized the compromised position of
Massachusetts's Representative Edward
Everett, who in a recent speech on the
House floor had cited Biblical
tolerance of slavery.
Barbour, one of
slavery's most formidable spokesmen of
the time, had recently denounced the
abolitionists, claiming that, if not
curbed, their efforts could lead to
the dissolution of the Union. Lundy
had been happy to quote Barbour in the
Genius a few months earlier after
Barbour denounced Lundy's newspaper as
the “croakings of the distempered who
seek to establish a character for
philanthropy at the expense of
others.” Clearly, pro-slavery people
were becoming increasingly agitated by
the activities of abolitionists like
Lundy. And not surprisingly so. In
1824 the Ohio Legislature had passed a
resolution requesting Congress to
implement gradual emancipation and
emigration of emancipated slaves at a
national level. Eight other Northern
states passed similar resolutions in
the following months. Clearly, Lundy's
view of abolition by peaceful,
political means was mainstream
Northern thinking―or at least hope―at
that time.
Prior to his Hayti
trip, Lundy had helped organize the
Maryland Anti-slavery Society in 1825
and had begun a weekly edition of the
Genius in the same year. But
then with the loss of his wife, he had
five children to raise, a job a man
seemed ill-prepared to carry out in
those days. His father and stepmother
agreed to raise the three older
children, and he hired a nurse to care
for the newborn twins. With these
arrangements, he was able to continue
publishing the Genius and
within two years had expanded its
subscription base to a thousand. When
the twins reached three, his
sister-in-law in Ohio agreed to take
over raising them.
Shorn of family
duties, Lundy could again devote full
time to his abolition efforts. In 1828
he traveled northward to give
lectures, enlarge his subscription
base, seek support for anti-slavery
petitions, and instigate formation of
anti-slavery societies. In Boston he
met a young man, William Lloyd
Garrison, then an editor of the National
Philanthropist. Garrison
immediately became a great admirer of
Lundy and of his deep devotion to the
cause of abolition, writing a glowing
piece to that effect in his own
newspaper. Lundy made a second
speaking tour north that same year,
delivering forty-three speeches and
meeting again with Garrison. These
trips took a toll on the regularity of
appearance of the Genius and then on
its commercial viability. After a
period of difficulties, Lundy
convinced Garrison to join him in the
abolitionist effort as a coeditor of
the Genius—and launched Garrison's
abolitionist career.
With a coeditor in
the office, Lundy was able to devote
himself equally to speaking and
writing. Garrison, writing under his
own name and coming to believe that
Lundy's gradualist approach to ending
slavery would not succeed, became a
more radical voice, pushing for
immediate emancipation. One of
Garrison's editorials, written during
one of Lundy's speaking trips,
attacked a slave-ship captain and
resulted in Garrison being charged and
convicted of libel. Unable to pay the
$50 fine, he was jailed until a
benefactor stepped forward to pay it;
then, a civil damage award of $1,000
against him forced him simply to flee
Baltimore. Thus his collaboration with
Lundy ended, and Garrison returned to
Boston, where he would begin
publishing his own abolitionist
newspaper, the Liberator, a
year later in 1831.
In the long run,
the conversion of Garrison to a
prominent role in the abolitionist
movement was perhaps Lundy's greatest
contribution. Upon Lundy's death years
later, Garrison paid tribute to him in
a most generous spirit: "It is to
Benjamin Lundy that I owe all that I
am as the friend of the slave."
Mexico's complete
elimination of slavery by 1829 led
Lundy into a several year effort to
establish freedmen's colonies in the
Texas part of Mexico. Texas's
successful revolt against Mexico in
1836, however, ended those long
efforts. During this period, Lundy's
travels led him to hire a succession
of assistants to keep the Genius in
print, its publication becoming more
irregular as its office was moved from
Baltimore to Washington and then to
Philadelphia. It then became defunct
for a period of time. In its place
Lundy began publishing the weekly National
Enquirer and Constitutional Advocate
of Universal Liberty for two
years. When it too fell into financial
trouble, it was taken over by the
Young Men's Anti-slavery Society of
Philadelphia, with John Greenleaf
Whittier as editor.
Weakened by his
hectic life and illnesses contracted
during his Mexican trips, Lundy needed
a slower pace of life. He also wished
to bring his family back together. He
began plans to remove to Illinois,
where his two older married daughters
then lived and were caring for his
three younger children. But at just
this time, May 14, 1838, Pennsylvania
Hall was dedicated in Philadelphia to
host meetings on politically liberal
topics of the time, particularly
abolition. Lundy, then in the process
of moving, was invited to store his
personal belongings and all of the
files of his decades of abolitionist
efforts in one of the offices in the
three-story building so that he could
attend the opening sessions of the
Anti-Slavery Convention of American
Women. On the convention's second day,
pamphlets appeared around Philadelphia
calling on its citizens to rally for
property rights, a standard
pro-slavery argument. A mob gathered
on the third day and became unruly,
smashing windows. When the mob
became more threatening on the fourth
day, the mayor of Philadelphia halted
the meeting and locked the doors but
provided no protection for the
building. Unopposed, the mob burned
Pennsylvania Hall and its contents.
Lundy lost all of his worldly
possessions.
Lundy moved to
Putnam County, Illinois, and built a
small house and printing shop, where
he was joined by his twins, Esther and
Benjamin, then twelve years old, and
began publishing the Genius once
again. To make ends meet, he began
farming also. Overtaxed, he became
seriously ill and died on August 22,
1839, just fifty years of age.
That brings us to
the last of my questions: How did this
letter come into my grandfather's
possession? Amazingly, a record of
just that occurrence appears in an
anonymous article in the second and
last edition of an amateur newspaper,
Sweet Chariot, published by an
African-American teenaged boy in the
small Kansas town of Dunlap, dated the
last day of 1887. The article,
entitled "The First Abolitionist," was
a tribute to Benjamin Lundy, and from
multiple evidences in the article and
in the newspaper the author was my
grandfather, Andrew Atchison.
Incidental to the biographical sketch
of Lundy, he mentions that "in our
prettiest little city, Ottawa,
Franklin County [Kansas], there lives
a worthy daughter and grandson of
Benjamin Lundy." Later in the article,
he writes that the daughter has given
him a letter written to Lundy at the
time of his Hayti trip. Apparently
someone during the Pennsylvania Hall
fire had managed to save a few of
Lundy's papers, which had been kept by
Lundy's oldest and then only surviving
child, Susan.
My grandfather
taught school for four years in
Ottawa, Kansas, around 1880. In
tracing Lundy's family, I learned that
sometime after the death of her
husband in 1863, Lundy's daughter
Susan Wierman went to live with the
family of her youngest son, Isaac,
appearing in the 1880 Federal Census
residing with them in Buffalo, Barton
County, Kansas, to the west of Ottawa.
The record of the birth of Isaac's son
Harry in 1884 gives Ottawa, Kansas, as
the birthplace, confirming that the
family had moved there by the time of
the Sweet Chariot article.
Thus, the acquaintance of Andrew and
Susan and her gift of such a souvenir
to him convince me of the route this
letter followed.
Let me end with a
quotation from my grandfather's
article in Sweet Chariot that I
concur with: "But the man and the
journal that rekindled the spirit of
the patriots and heroes of the
Revolution that set the Declaration of
Independence in a new light before the
careless eyes of a new generation, and
that called down again from the throne
of God the spirit of universal
liberty, moral devotion, and humanity
to man were Benjamin Lundy and the Genius
of Universal Emancipation."
Bibliography
Dillon, Merton L. Benjamin Lundy and
the Struggle for Negro Freedom. Urbana:
University of Illinois, 1966.
"Early Abolitionism." Unidentified
Kansas newspaper clipping from The Inter
Ocean, Aug. 1879, in Kansas State
Historical Society, Lawrence, Kansas.
"The First Abolitionist." Sweet
Chariot, Dunlap, Kansas, Vol. 1,
No. 2, Dec. 31, 1887.
Hilty, Hiram H. By Land and by Sea:
Quakers Confront Slavery and Its
Aftermath in North Carolina.
Greensboro, NC: North Carolina Friends
Historical Society, 1993.
Mary Mendenhall Hobbs Papers. The
Friends Historical Collection, Hege
Library, Guilford College, Greensboro,
NC.
Nelson, Donald F. To the Stars over
Rough Roads: The Life of Andrew
Atchison, Teacher and Missionary. Cambridge,
MA: TidePool Press, 2008.
Nelson
Biography
Donald F. Nelson received a PhD in
physics from the University of
Michigan in 1959. He spent 27 years in
research at Bell Labs in Murray Hill,
New Jersey, with teaching interludes
at the University of Michigan,
University of Southern California, and
Princeton University. After retirement
from Bell Labs, he was a professor of
physics at Worcester Polytechnic
Institute for ten years.
He has been a member of the Worcester
Torch Club for 22 years and has given
eight Torch talks, three of which have
been published previously, one on acid
rain (Winter, 1999–2000), one on the
Shakespeare authorship question (Fall,
2005), and one on the origin of the
laser (Fall, 2011). Comments:
dfnelson@charter.net.
This paper was presented to the
Worcester Torch Club on November 14,
2013.