The Progressive
Bias Of Truth
Roland F. Moy
Conservative columnist George Will
once observed, “Conservatism is true”
(qtd. in Zakaria), explaining that
intelligent conservatism was grounded
in reality, as opposed to the party
line Marxists in the old joke, who
asked, “I know it works in practice,
but does it work in theory?”
This perspective on contemporary
conservatism in the United States,
together with the 2012 publication of
Samuel Arbeson’s The Half-Life of
Facts: Why Everything We Know Has An
Expiration Date, prompts an
inquiring mind to examine how deeply
what we know of reality has influenced
various strains of American thought
and policy over the years. The
following analysis will provide a
brief historical overview of how
changes in factual understanding of
the world and the evolution of values
have impacted governmental policy and
practice.
The Progress of
Reality
In
the 17th century, a variety of
challenges to knowledge based upon
tradition and faith gained momentum as
knowledge based upon reason and newly
acquired scientific evidence became
more accessible and widespread.
At the same time, the Protestant
Reformation began a trend toward the
organization of civic life from the
perspective of the individual rather
than viewing the common man as the
bottom of a hierarchical pyramid of
authority. Both trends helped
justify not only replacing state
directed mercantilism with the ideals
of the individualized market economy,
but also replacing monarchy with
governmental patterns based upon
popular sovereignty and
elections.
In Europe, upholders of faith and
tradition reacted grudgingly to new
evidence, but did eventually come to
terms with it; the same was not always
true in the United States. The 17th
century confrontation between the
Roman Catholic Church and the
heliocentric theory of Galileo led the
church to accept it as a hypothesis to
be explored, but to reject his
insistence that its truth required a
reinterpretation of scripture (“The
Galileo Controversy”). The truth of
his theory was not accepted until
later technology verified parallax
shifts in the position of the stars as
the earth moved in its orbit around
the sun, impelling the church to
change its scriptural interpretation
on this matter from a literalist to a
metaphorical position. In the
20th century, as evidence from several
branches of scientific inquiry
converged in support of evolutionary
theory, the Roman Catholic Church came
to accept that biological evolution
over millions of years was compatible
with Christian faith (Gonzalez). In
contrast, significant portions of the
American Protestant faith tradition
offer a history of stubbornly literal
interpretation of biblical texts going
back as far as the Massachusetts witch
trials of the 1600s. This
tendency to apply traditional texts to
political and social issues in a
literal minded way devoid of context
was carried on by those quoting
scripture in support of slavery and by
those rejecting evolution, passing on
a toxic heritage that has become one
element of contemporary American
conservative truth.
Respect for the reality of history and
tradition, as noted above by Will, is
another basis for American
conservatism as a political philosophy
and movement. A third is the use
of deductive reasoning from abstract
principles as reformulated in the Mount
Vernon Statement of 2010, which
reminds us that “the Founders created
an enduring framework of limited
government based on the rule of law”
and that “the Declaration asserts
self-evident truths based on the laws
of nature and nature’s God” and
furthermore “defends life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness.” The Statement
goes on to note that
Constitutional conservatism “reminds
economic conservatives that morality
is essential to limited government”
and “encourages free enterprise, the
individual entrepreneur, and economic
reforms grounded in market
solutions.” All of these
assertions and principles can indeed
provide guidance on policy—provided
that they are grounded in historical
and contemporary reality, which would
require interpretation and judgment in
addition to a balancing with other
values. (1)
The
historical context in which the
Founders developed their principles of
individual liberty and limited
government is examined in James
Huston’s Securing the Fruits of
Labor: The American Concept of
Wealth Distribution 1765-1900.
The Founders believed that previous
attempts to establish republican
government had failed primarily
because of deep mal-distribution of
wealth. In the 1770s, when the
non-plantation colonial majority lived
on semi-subsistence family farms,
grand fortunes rarely occurred, and
the wealth gaps would stay limited so
long as all those who labored had the
liberty to enjoy the “fruits of their
labor.” The Founders were also
aware that European aristocrats
manipulated politics to gain economic
advantage. Limited government,
in this context, helped to sustain the
liberty that promoted natural economic
equality among small economic units
and, therefore, the survival of
republican government. The
unfolding of American history since
the Founders, however, presents a
series of reality checks for
evaluating the founding documents and
the policy prescriptions that
Constitutional conservatives believe
they still
entail.
The
Unfolding Reality
The
Constitution provided that Congress
establish post offices and post roads;
the Post Office Act of 1792 unified
the new nation and facilitated the
collection of tariffs from distant
towns. These tariffs, along with
the establishment of a national bank,
encouraged local development of the
infant industries that grew throughout
the coming century. With the Northwest
Ordinance of 1787, the national
government required that one of every
36 plots of land be set aside for
public education. Starting in
1817, funding was provided for the 363
mile Erie Canal from Albany on the
Hudson River to Buffalo on Lake Erie,
which encouraged settlement further
west and made New York City the major
United States
port.
Throughout the 19th century, new
inventions such as steam power, the
cotton gin, and mechanical clothing
manufacture expanded industrial and
commercial opportunities, enabling
greater wealth accumulation and
economic differentiation.
Railroad transportation accelerated
the demise of self-sufficient farming
as the produce sold and the items
needed for living and production
became firmly tied to national market
pricing. The Pacific Railroad
and Homestead Acts in 1863 pushed the
national market coast to coast. Income
for farm production began to lag
(except in wartime) behind prices for
commercial products, placing farmers
in a position of necessity that made
it difficult to resist discriminatory
pricing by railroads. (2) The
Interstate Commerce Commission,
established in 1887, was supposed to
regulate such behavior by railroads
and other carriers, but experienced
limited success.
The
farming industry has had more success
in the political arena, especially at
the national level. Federal
price support programs did not stem
the demise of the family farm (98
percent of 21st century Americans now
have the liberty to look elsewhere to
enjoy the fruits of their labor), but
did bring this sector more into line
with the rest of an economy that is
shaped by rules and regulations that
do much to determine potential winners
and losers, and how much of the fruits
of labor are retained. Despite
conservative ideological assertions
that private markets are
self-contained and self-regulated, all
markets are shaped by
government. This has included
the slavery system that was legally
abolished, the type of contract law
that is enforced, the degree of
monopoly enterprise allowed by fitful
regulation under the 1890 Sherman
Anti-Trust Act, and the contemporary
taxation rules that abet “rent
seeking,” the off-shoring of jobs, and
the sheltering of profits through
creative bookkeeping using off-shore
assets, shell companies, and tax
friendly locations in the Cayman
Islands and elsewhere (Stiglitz;
Blumner; Reich).
Other Social /
Economic Sectors
Several 19th century examples
demonstrate the wisdom of using the
democratic process to provide
collective goods for the general
welfare of the population: the gradual
extension of mandatory public
education throughout the country;
publically funded fire protection,
clean water, and sewer services in
cities; and the federal support of
higher education with the passage of
the Morrill Act of 1862, establishing
land grant colleges. But the
late 19th century also shows us what
unrestricted private enterprise looks
like.
After the Civil War, despite major
economic downturns in 1873 and 1893,
the economy grew rapidly along with
westward expansion. By the turn of the
20th century, this growth had brought
about vast expansions of railroads,
steel production, and commercial
development, but also vast
discrepancies in wealth and income.
This pre-income tax era is
appropriately named the “Gilded
Age.” A lightly regulated
economy was dominated by huge economic
combinations, including “trusts,” that
enjoyed vertical monopolization of
major segments of the economy to the
detriment of consumers. There
were food and drug processors and
sellers who freely sold contaminated
and unsafe products. Instead of
attending school, thousands of
children worked long hours in textile
mills for below normal wages, thereby
increasing private market efficiency
and profits. Additional market
efficiencies were achieved by entirely
monetizing adults who would be fired
if injured or missing from work
because of a family emergency.
There were few limits on the length of
the working day or week, no minimum
wage, and no retirement or health care
plans for employees. In 1900
life expectancy at birth stood at 49.2
years (Moody). The reality wrought by
unregulated private markets produced
great wealth for a few, great misery
for many, plutocratic control of
government, and complete obliteration
of the economic conditions for which
the Founding Fathers originally
established a limited government
framework.
Wealth is a social product; the
mathematics of private market
solutions and efficiencies cannot tell
us what resources people are fairly
entitled to as humans in society or
the value of what is beyond
price.
The 20th century provided many
opportunities for progressive truth to
emerge. Examining documented
experience in the light of the values
from faith traditions and using that
knowledge to develop policies that
defined well-being in non-market terms
(while also regulating noxious market
patterns that exploited ignorance and
necessity) enhanced life and the
freedom to develop full human
potential.
Aggressive investigative journalism
prompted the first Roosevelt
administration to begin more
systematic enforcement of the Sherman
Anti-Trust Act against monopoly
combinations and to start setting
safety standards for food and
drugs. It also laid the
groundwork for the 16th Amendment of
1913, which legalized a federal income
tax that allowed the rich to share
more fairly in the tax burden of the
nation. The 19th Amendment, ratified
in 1920, provided national suffrage
for women. The New Deal
responses to the Great Depression of
the 1930s produced (1) the Civilian
Conservation Corps, the Federal Land
Bank, and the Rural Electrification
Authority to help farmers and rural
areas; (2) the Tennessee Valley
Authority and other dam projects to
control flooding, to provide
electricity and, along with the Works
Progress Administration, to provide
desperately needed work; (3) the
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation,
the Security and Exchange Commission,
and the Glass-Steagall Act regulating
collusive arrangements between
commercial and investment banking to
make the financial system more secure;
and (4) the Social Security Act, the
Fair Labor Standards Act (limiting
child labor, establishing hour and
wages standards and a minimum wage),
and the Wagner Act recognizing
collective bargaining, all helping
human potentials by broadening access
to the growing prosperity of the
nation.
After World War II, the Serviceman’s
Readjustment Act of 1944 (the G.I.
Bill) improved access to both higher
education and housing for returning
veterans. The 1950s brought
initial federal funding for
construction of the Interstate Highway
System. The 1960s produced the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 prohibiting
discrimination in public
accommodations and the work place and
saw creation of Medicare, Medicaid and
the Voting Rights Act in 1965.
By signing the Voting Rights Act,
President Lyndon Johnson confirmed the
truth value of equal voting rights and
performed one of America’s most
significant acts of moral courage in
spite of the political risk because,
as he predicted, it would lead to
party switching and election
losses. The Republicans did
pursue their “Southern Strategy” from
1968 to the present time and succeeded
in changing the “solid south” from
Democratic to Republican (Blow).
Several developments of the 1970s
shaped subsequent efforts to document
truth as it relates to public
policy. A reorganization of
federal agencies led by President
Richard Nixon established the
Environmental Protection Agency in
1970. Its policies have been in
dispute ever since, often involving
assertions from parodies of science
that support efforts to outspend the
truth about environmental
degradations. The Pentagon
Papers were published in 1971 and
brought into question the truthfulness
of government statements about the
Vietnam War. The suspicion about
government continued over the next
three years as the Watergate scandal
unfolded.
Conservative opposition to the
progressive reform policies of the
20th century became more focused in
response to a then-secret memo of
September 1971 addressed to the
national Chamber Of Commerce by former
tobacco company attorney and future
Supreme Court Justice Lewis
Powell. The memo called for
conservative business interests, led
by the Chamber, to commit resources to
influence government policy and
elections, public opinion, university
education, and the courts (“Lewis
Powell Memo”.) The results of
this 40-year effort are reflected in
policies enacted and positions
advocated in the present day that
could lead to reversal or curtailment
of most of the 20th century programs
reviewed above (Hacker and Pierson;
Kaplan; for a contrary view, see
Samuelson). But the 2008
economic crash and recent threats to
the social safety net programs point
to the truth value of a return to
effective economic regulation and the
practical value of continuing to
spread longevity and health risks
across a broad population (Levy).
The Present
Situation
The
post-WW II years from 1947 to 1973
produced a doubling of median family
income during a time of strong
economic growth, higher taxes, and
strong unions, indicating
compatibility between economic growth
and economic justice (Krugman)
The new millennium saw a reversal of
these economic conditions as
inequality distance between median
incomes and the wealthy returned to
levels similar to those of the 1920s
(Moy; Reardon; “SOI Bulletin”), which
produced problematic quality of life
outcomes for children even before the
economic downturn of 2008 (UNICEF).
There has been abundant evidence that
military spending and governmental
investment in basic research
stimulated “spillover” economic growth
in the developmental history of
machine tools and interchangeable
parts, airplane and jet engine
development, space exploration and GPS
technology, microelectronics,
semiconductors, computer hardware and
software, the Internet, biomedical
devices, the Human Genome Project,
medical innovation, and even
Apple-credited inventions such as the
mouse, a graphical user interface, and
the touch-screen (Judis). According to
one private equity firm director,
conservative demands for market
solutions and small government have
led to a decline in private investment
opportunities and a decline in
economic growth in recent years
(Janeway).
Although the 2009 stimulus package was
ridiculed by conservatives, many of
whom took credit for beneficial
projects in their home states, there
was an overall economic benefit, even
for the $90 billion provided for clean
energy, including the much criticized
$535 million solar energy loan to
Solyndra. It later came to light
that this $90 billion clean energy
package attracted $100 billion in
private investment, leading to a 600
percent increase in the solar power
sector, which helped to undercut the
pricing level that would have
prevented the Solyndra loan default
(Grunwald). In a balancing of real
world positive and negative outcomes,
the scale of the Solyndra loss,
amounting to a quarter of one percent
(.00281) of total clean energy
investment, made the loan a risk well
worth taking.
Conclusion
Historical realities such as these
should guide inductively derived truth
for an informed, coherent, and nuanced
debate about future policy risks and
regulatory options: a thoughtful
application of gray matter to the
factual gray areas between black and
white ideological extremes. The
resulting discourse would comply with
the George Will reality criterion; it
would also avoid the “Conservapedia”
(3) repudiation of reality
pattern used in the Paul Ryan RNC
speech, which led even a Fox News
columnist to comment that it “was an
apparent attempt to set the world
record for the greatest number of
blatant lies and misrepresentations
slipped into a single political
speech” (“Fox News’ Sally
Kohn”). And as the “Nuns on the
Bus” travels in 2012 and the calls for
justice in government policies by Pope
Francis in 2013 demonstrate, human
reason can also guide closer
approximations of normative truth by
accessing traditional church teachings
about social justice and applying
related non-literal contemporary
understandings of scripture. May
these reasonable approaches to truth
become more prevalent in American
political discourse as the arc of
progressive history continues to
unfold.
Notes
(1)
Compare the Book of Exodus,
chapters 20-22. Those
pushing the Ten Commandments of
chapter 20 into the public
square always note their
absolute nature but usually fail
to note the exceptions and
nuance presented in chapters 21
and 22.
(2) This point is
based on personal family history
that was typical of mid-west
dairy farming through six
generations from the 1860s to
the present day.
(3) A Tea Party
friendly English-language web
based encyclopedia using
conservative and Christian
facts, free of corruption by
liberal untruths such as the
theories of evolution and
relativity. Accessed at
www.conservapedia.com
Works
Cited
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Samuel. The Half-Life of
Facts: Why Everything We Know
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New York: Current, 2012.
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Charles. “Terms of Art.” New
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Blumner,
Robyn. “Blumner: Corporations
shun tax duty.” Tampa Bay
Times, April 13, 2013.
“Fox
News’ Sally Kohn: Paul Ryan’s
RNC Speech ‘Was Attempt To Set
Record For Blatant Lies’.”
Accessed at
www.huffingtonpost.com
“The
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Gonzalez,
Sr. Paula. “Evolution and the
Catholic Church: Are They In
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Michael. “Yes, More Solyndras.”
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Politics: How Washington Made
the Rich Richer – and Turned
Its Back on the Middle Class.
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About the
Author
Roland F. Moy earned the Ph.D. in
political science from The Ohio
State University. After
teaching for 30 years, primarily in
the field of international studies,
he retired from Appalachian State
University in 1998. In
addition to participation,
presentations, and office holding in
professional organizations, he was
active in organizing Model United
Nations events each year for both
high school and college students.
A life long
singer, he continues a family
tradition of quartet singing and has
long been active with the local Arts
Council, organizing musical shows to
raise funds for music scholarships
and producing fifteen annual summer
community chorus events.
Since joining the
Torch Club in Boone, NC in 2007, Moy
has developed several papers which
apply a core political science
concern about abuse of power to the
related field of economics, and
which attempt to clarify political
economy realities that are often
clouded by political rhetoric.
“The Progressive
Bias of Truth” was presented to the
High Country Torch Club on May 13,
2013.