American
Dream
by
Steven DeLair
Dear Optimist and Pessimist,
While you were making
your profound, eloquent and expansive
arguments concerning the proverbial
glass of water—I drank it.
Sincerely,
The Opportunist
The hope for a better tomorrow has no
doubt been with the human race for
thousands of years, but for a very
long time that hope, for the most
part, remained dim as the battle for
survival dominated life. Deep
contemplation of the future did not
enter the mind's eye until much later
in our history, when existence and the
thought of it could include
consideration of a possible
improvement of life itself. From
this perspective, the concept of a
future being better than a present is
relatively new.
The quality of life did slowly improve
over the centuries, but not until
America's founding was there such a
radical and formal proclamation as
"all men are created equal" and
"endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable Rights, that among these
are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of
Happiness." That this proclamation was
later acted upon, at the risk of life
and treasure by an intellectual and
social elite, and subsequently written
into law, was as improbable as it was
courageous.
This founding in freedom, with the
rule and force of law, enabling
average citizens to pursue a
self-defined process to improve their
condition in life, was a concept of
startling world significance.
That it was not at first understood to
apply to all people does not diminish
the importance of the lawful pursuit
of happiness being established as a
God given right.
Throughout the years after our
founding, the "American dream" became
a part of a national ethos, with
varying definitions. The phrase
entered the popular lexicon in The
Epic of America, by historian
James Truslow Adams: "It is not a
dream of motorcars and high wages
merely, but a dream of social order in
which each man and each woman shall be
able to attain to the fullest stature
of which they are innately capable,
and be recognized by others for what
they are, regardless of fortuitous
circumstances of birth or position."
Concerning those circumstances of
birth, in 1963 a very courageous young
leader and advocate for millions of
those who were excluded from our
nation's founding wrote the following
in his "Letter From a Birmingham
Jail": "We will win our freedom
because the sacred heritage of our
nation and the eternal will of God are
embodied in our echoing demands. […]
When these disinherited children of
God sat down at lunch counters they
were in reality standing up for what
is best in the American dream and for
the most sacred values in our
Judeo-Christian heritage, thereby
bringing our nation back to those
great wells of democracy which were
dug deep by the founding fathers in
their formulation of the Constitution
and the Declaration of Independence"
(King 301-02).
The 1790 U.S. Census counted 3,893,635
as the total population of the U.S.
and its territory. Of that
number, 694,280 were slaves—almost 18%
of the population.
Dr. King's reference to the "most
sacred values in our Judeo-Christian
heritage" was one of the subjects of
an address made by the famed Russian
writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn at
Harvard University in the summer of
1978. In his address entitled "A
World Split Apart," Solzhenitsyn said,
"The constant desire to have still
more things and a still better life
and the struggle to obtain them
imprints many western faces with worry
and even depression. The
majority of people have been granted
well-being to an extent their fathers
and grandfathers could not even dream
about." He continued, "Today,
well-being in the life of Western
society has begun to reveal its
pernicious mask."
Solzhenitsyn was not a critic of the
West. He was a critic of what he
viewed as our weakness: the
abandonment of the spiritual and
religious foundation that made the
West great. Writer Adam Gopnik
characterized it as "incomes go up,
steeples go down."
In contrast, Professor of Sociology
Sandra Hanson and public opinion
pollster John Zogby have reported that
numerous public opinion polls taken
from the 1980s to 2010 indicate that
the majority of Americans feel that
the American dream for their family is
more about spiritual happiness than
material goods.
The past thirty years of
ever-increasing globalization combined
with the recent destructive recession
have contributed to a growing
ambivalence concerning the American
dream. Optimism about the future
has historically been strong in the U.
S., especially during the post-war
decades from 1945 to 1975.
America's relatively small sacrifice
compared to the other combatants in
World War II lifted our country out of
the great depression and set the stage
for U.S. world hegemony. The
post-war economic boom engendered
prosperity beyond our ancestor's
comprehension, as noted by
Solzhenitsyn. With our
industrial capacity and infrastructure
intact, post-war America resumed its
growth and prosperity while the rest
of the industrial world, with a few
exceptions, was in the process of
regaining their senses. The
victory in World War II and the
subsequent years of prosperity blurred
our optimism with rising expectations
that were not always rational.
The U.S. has always been a trading
nation, but the expansion of trade
after the war increased to historic
levels. Economists usually refer to
globalization as the international
integration in commodity, capital and
labor markets. Globalization is
not new, but the size and scope
combined with the export of capital
and technology is new. (1)
Economically speaking, there have been
major positive developments in the
world because of expanded world trade.
"Ironically, it is the very
improvement in the economic well-being
of hundreds of millions of people that
raised the world's consciousness about
poverty and inequality" said Robert
Lerman of the Urban Institute "The
growing world recognition of massive
disparities between rich and poor does
not necessarily mean that economic
inequality is worsening or that
poverty is spreading." He also
notes, "until a few hundred years ago,
almost everyone experienced material
poverty." Dr. Lerman refers to
the studies of Columbia University
professor Xavier Sala-I-Martin and his
comprehensive 2002 analysis, which
states, "the share of the world's
population in severe poverty declined
by two-thirds between 1970 and
1998. Even though the world
population grew by 1.5 billion between
1980 and 1998, the number experiencing
severe poverty declined by 160
million."
Bill Gates, speaking
on behalf of The Bill and Melinda Gates
Foundation, told an interviewer that it
is a myth that world poverty is out of
control. The severe poverty rate
is lower than any time in history.
Somewhat against
the grain of the preceding, mostly
positive, analysis is Pope Francis's
"Joy of the Gospel," which was
published in November 2013. This
Papal exhortation consists of five
chapters and 51,000 words; a small
part of it is devoted to the new
global economic paradigm of growth and
consumption.
Humanity
is experiencing a turning point in
its history as we see from the
advances being made in so many
fields. We can only praise the
steps being taken to improve
people's welfare in areas such as
healthcare, education and
communications. At the same
time we have to remember that the
majorities of our contemporaries are
barely living from day to day, with
dire consequences. A
number of diseases are
spreading. The hearts of many
people are gripped by fear and
desperation, even in the so-called
rich countries. […] To sustain a
lifestyle which excludes others, or
to sustain enthusiasm for that
selfish ideal, a globalization of
indifference has developed. (p. 44)
The
Pope also uses the term "spiritual
desertification" to describe the
process of trying to build a society
void of God, with the subsequent
elimination of our Christian
roots. This passage is
only one piece of the Pope's
theologically driven opinion of the
global era, but it is representative
of his views on this subject.
In April of 2012, June Zaccone,
Professor of Economics (Emerita) at
Hofstra University presented a paper
at Columbia University in response to
the prevailing economic wisdom and in
particular to Michael Spence, the 2001
Nobel Prize winner in Economic
Science. (Spence's article "The
Impact of Globalization on Income and
Employment" typifies the influential
positive analysis of the global
era.) Professor Zaccone
writes:
The
mainstream view of globalization is
that it is good for just about
everyone—economies rich and poor
grow faster and the incomes of
workers everywhere rise
faster. There may be a slight
exception permitted for unskilled
workers, but their problem is they
need training. In any case,
there is nothing to be done against
the forces driving
globalization. It is described
as a natural market evolution,
created by new technologies and
better techniques permitting the
effective management of far-flung
operations. The reality is
quite different. Technology
has permitted globalization, which
has been furthered by governments,
especially ours, pursuing a
corporate agenda. In the U.
S., growth has slowed, worker's
incomes have stagnated, inequality
has risen to Gilded Age levels and
the middle class has been splintered
as jobs have disappeared. A
few have joined top income levels,
with far more pushed down to
lower-skill, lower-wage service
jobs.
The
major concern of her paper is the harm
done to the U.S. economy and its
workers during the global era; nor is
she convinced that workers in poor
countries as a whole have benefited to
the degree touted by the
mainstream. She notes that the
U.S. Census has projected that people
of color, which includes Asians and
Native Americans, will be the majority
by 2042. She asks a very
important question: "what will the
economic and social prospects be then,
if we don't improve their life
chances?"
Expanding technology and the
outsourcing of jobs have been the
predominant sources of American job
loss. Varying degrees of fear and
anxiety about the future are
widespread in the U.S. Many
Americans sense that we are losing our
ability to control our own
destiny. Our politically
polarized society gives rise to
intransigence in Washington D.
C. Income inequality and
economic mobility are the subject of
much debate.
Despite this debate, Greg Shaw and
Laura Goffey, writing in Public
Opinion Quarterly, state that
"an examination of polls focused on
inequality, taxes and mobility
conducted between 1990 and 2011
reveals that American public opinion
has remained fairly stable on these
issues, despite changing political and
economic conditions. There has
been no dramatic shift of public
opinion on these issues.
Economic inequality, the government's
role of redistribution, and taxation
policies will likely remain divisive
political issues in coming years in
light of no public opinion on how to
address growing economic inequality."
Is economic or social mobility
declining in the U.S. as compared to
other Western countries? In a
National Bureau of Economics Research
Study, "new evidence suggests that
intergenerational mobility is fairly
stable overtime in each of the nine
census divisions of the United States
even though they have very different
levels of mobility." The rungs
of the economic ladder have grown
further apart which represents
increased inequality, but children's
chances of climbing from lower to
higher rungs have not changed.
Income inequality comes from the top
extreme high income group and is not
strongly associated with
intergenerational mobility in the
U.S. "In light of the finding in
our companion paper on the geography
of mobility," the authors state, "the
key issue is not that prospects for
upward mobility are declining but
rather that some regions of the U.S.
persistently offer less mobility than
most other developed countries"
(Chetty).
A more provocative view by professor
of economics and author Gregory Clark
was featured in a recent New York
Times article.
Professor Clark believes that "the
compulsion to strive, the talent to
prosper and the ability to overcome
failure are strongly inherited."
In addition, "alternative explanations
that are in vogue-cultural traits,
family economic resources, social
networks--don't hold up to
scrutiny." In a Mother Jones
magazine interview, Clark said,
"modern societies haven't managed to
increase social mobility above what it
was in pre-industrial societies"
(Harkinson). In his book The Son
Also Rises: Surnames and the History
of Social Mobility, Professor
Clark details his creative and
original methods of research using
surname history in a diverse group of
countries that predicted a high
correlation of status across
generations. If his
analysis is only partially correct, it
further complicates the debate over
whether governmental policy should aim
to help ameliorate life's inherent
unfairness, which, if Clark is
correct, begins at birth.
The global era has been scrutinized by
many credible economists and others
who, not surprisingly, come to
different conclusions about the
effects of this new world economic
paradigm. The global era is
complicated, and the analysis of
information concerning it reflects
that complexity. Despite the
diversity of thought, there is
sufficient understanding and knowledge
to support the argument that for the
greater world of developing and poor
countries, with some exceptions, the
economic gains in the global era have
been dramatic. We are living in
a profoundly historic era in regard to
hundreds of millions of people who are
no longer in severe poverty.
Whether this improvement is
sustainable over the long-term is yet
to be seen.
For the U. S., the global era has been
a winner for the corporate sector and
obviously for millions of their
shareholders. We can also
acknowledge that everyone generally
pays less for goods and
services. The losers are the
unemployed, underemployed, and those
affected by wage stagnation. The
social cost of disrupted lives,
including government spending to
lessen the negative effects of those
losses, is not easy to calculate.
Despite those negatives (which are
considerable), the preponderance of
evidence, including our shared
cultural capital and dynamism, point
to an American dream that is shaken
but alive and well. However,
some of our largest social problems
may have an increasing and profoundly
negative impact on the future
viability of the collective American
dream that is inclusive of all people.
On January 8, 1964, President Johnson
declared the War on Poverty. The
current poverty rate according to the
U.S. Census is about 15%, compared to
17.3% in 1965. The population of the
U.S. has increased by approximately
122 million since 1965, however, so
even at this slightly lowered rate,
the total number of poor people in the
U.S. is now 46.5 million, which
equates to the total population of
Spain. For those individuals and
families who work hard and are
prepared to meet the challenges of the
21st century, the dream for a good
life is realistic. For those who
are not prepared, the dream, if there
is one, is probably wishful thinking.
Today, there are 24 million children
living in fatherless homes.
Almost half of all children in America
are growing up in poverty, according
to the U.S. Census.
Out-of-wedlock births to mothers under
age 30 are now over 50%. The
negative social ramifications of these
statistics are well known and
documented. Our growing
underclass is not prepared for the
demands of the modern global
world. The complexity of this
problem defies any and all simple
remedies. The fact that a modern
competitive culture is increasingly
populated by seriously dysfunctional,
truncated families at the very time
when a relatively healthy family
structure is at the apex of need
portends a future unlike anything
witnessed in American history.
Is it possible for a modern wealthy
nation in the global era to
successfully coexist with increasing
numbers of its population who are
disconnected from its institutions and
cultural ethos? In the Pope's
previously mentioned exhortation, he
says, "the family is experiencing a
profound cultural crisis as are all
communities and social bonds."
He calls the family "the fundamental
cell of society" and asserts, "the
indispensable contribution of marriage
to society transcends the feelings and
momentary needs of the couple."
Do we have the collective ability to
focus national attention to this or
any other large problem?
Do we have the will, the time or even
a forum to contemplate and discuss
these issues without our ubiquitous
ideological blinders?
Unfortunately, there is a dark side to
the information age and our constant
connectivity to an ever-expanding
stream of diffused communication
media. Some call it
information overload.
Perhaps Maggie
Jackson said it best in her book
Distracted.
Heads
down, we are allowing ourselves to
be ever-more-entranced by the
unsifted trivia of life. With
splintered focus, we're cultivating
a culture of distraction and
detachment. We are eroding
attention—the most crucial building
block of wisdom, memory and
ultimately the key to societal
progress. In attention, we
find the powers of selection and
focus we so badly need in order to
carve knowledge from the vast,
shifting and ebbing oceans of
information. (235)
Is wisdom still relevant in
contemporary America? Are we
enamored by the "smart" and facile
agility to navigate in the moment,
with little knowledge or value of the
past-without thought beyond the
immediate future? Are we capable
of separating the important
information from the trivial or
irrelevant? Are we able to
decipher the big picture of our
individual and collective lives in the
context of history and our present
reality? If we can, do we have
the wisdom to construct long-term
visions, which can lead to realistic
long-term goals and solutions?
Or, are we reconciled to the notion
that it is perpetually the best of
times and the worst of times?
The future of the American Dream
lies in the answers to those
questions.
Note
(1) Many people have the mistaken view
that the increase of world trade, or
globalization as we now commonly refer
to it, was purely a capitalist
enrichment strategy. In fact,
the recent impetus for this tremendous
surge in world trade was the Atlantic
Charter signed by President Roosevelt
and British Prime Minister Winston
Churchill in August of 1941.
This charter defined a post-war vision
that included lower trade barriers,
the advancement of global social
welfare, and economic
cooperation. The lack of these
things, many then thought, had been a
major cause of the war. The
Atlantic Charter was the catalyst for
the establishment of the United
Nations. Previous attempts to
promote collective world security,
such as the League of Nations, had not
been successful, but could commerce
and welfare succeed where diplomacy
had failed?
Works Cited
Adams, James Truslow. The Epic of
America. 1931. San Antonio: Simon
Publications, 2001.
Gates, Bill. Interviewed by Charlie
Rose, PBS, January 20, 2014.
Chetty, Raj, and Nathaniel Hendfen,
Patrick Kline, Emmanural Saez, and
Nicholas Turner. "Is the United States
Still a Land of Opportunity?
Recent Trends In Intergenerational
Mobility." National Bureau of Economic
Research working paper 19844, January
2014.
Clark, Gregory. "How Your Ancestors
Determine Your Social Status." New
York Times, February 23, 2014.
Clark, Gregory, with Yu Hao, Neil
Cummins and Daniel Diaz Vidal. The
Son Also Rises: Surnames and History
of Social Mobility. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 2014.
Collins, Lois M., and Cortez,
Marjorie. "Why Dads Matter." The
Atlantic online, February 23,
2014.
Gopnik, Adam. "Bigger Than Phil: When
Did Faith Start To Fade?" New Yorker,
February 17, 2014.
Hanson, Sandra L., and Zogby, John. "The
Polls—Trends: Attitudes about the
American Dream." Public Opinion
Quarterly 74:3 (September 2010),
570-584.
Harkinson, Josh. "Is Upward Mobility in
America a Fantasy?" Interview with
Gary Clark. Mother Jones,
February 5, 2014.
Jackson, Maggie. Distracted:
The Erosion of Attention and The
Coming Dark Age. Amherst N.Y.:
Prometheus Books, 2009.
King, Jr., Martin Luther. A Testament
of Hope: The Essential Writings and
Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr.
Ed. James Washington. NY: HarperOne,
2003.
Lerman, Robert I. "Globalization
and the Fight against Poverty." Paper
presented at the 8th European Forum
Berlin, "Europe in World Politics,"
Berlin, November 15–16, 2002. Urban
Institute web archive.
Pope Francis. "Joy of the Gospel." Exhortation.
November 2013.
Sala-I-Martin, Xavier. "The World
Distribution of Income." Working paper
8933. IDEAS: Economic and Finance
Research, ideas.repec.org., 2002.
Shaw, Greg, and Goffey. Laura. "Economic
Inequality, Taxes and Mobility:
1990-2011." Public Opinion Quarterly
76:3 (Summer 2012), 576-96.
Solzhenitsyn, Alexander. "A World Split
Apart." 1978 Harvard Commencement
Address. American Rhetoric Online
Speech Bank. Web.
Spence, Michael. "The Impact of
Globalization On Income and Employment,
The Downside of Integrating Markets." Foreign
Affairs, July/August 2011.
Zaccone, June. "Has Globalization
Destroyed the American Middle
Class?" Columbia Seminar On Full
Employment, Social Welfare and
Equity. www.njfac.org. April 2012.
Steven DeLair
Biography
Steven DeLair is the great-grandchild
of pioneers and the son of working
class parents who preached the value
and importance of education.
Born in Cheyenne, Wyoming, and raised
mostly in Lincoln, Nebraska, he
received a BFA from the University of
Nebraska in 1967.
Leaving Nebraska, he entered the
Marine Corps Officers Candidate School
in Quantico, Virginia, where he was
commissioned a Second
Lieutenant. He subsequently
served as an Infantry Platoon
Commander and Battalion Civil Affairs
Officer in South Vietnam for 13 months
in 1968 and 1969.
He resigned from the Marines as a
Captain and took a position with a
large insurance company in southern
California, eventually transferring to
Scottsdale, Arizona with the same
company. In 1981 he left the
insurance business and began his
career as an artist (painter), which
he continues today.
Steven has been represented by several
galleries in the U.S. and has
participated in juried group
exhibitions nationwide.
In 1996 he returned to Lincoln with
his wife, Sally. He has one son
with Sally and one daughter from his
first wife, Cheryle, who passed away
in 1979.