Eugenics
in America
by Anne Legge
In his
wonderfully written book The Gene:
An Intimate History, Pulitzer
prize-winning author Siddhartha
Mukherjee characterizes eugenics as a
flirtation with the perfectibility of
man (12). An ingredient of the
Progressive Movement in the United
States from 1890 to 1930, eugenics was
a response to the stresses of the time
including industrialization,
immigration, and urbanization.
Eugenics came in two varieties:
positive eugenics encouraged breeding
of desirable stock, and negative
eugenics prevented reproduction of the
unfit (Cohen 47). The problem is
who decides who is fit, and by what
criteria. By its very nature, eugenics
was elitist and paternalistic.
The father of
eugenics was the British scientist
Francis Galton, a cousin and
contemporary of Charles Darwin. Galton
coined the word eugenics from the
Greek words for good and genes, as
well as originating the phrase nature
versus nurture (Mukherjee
65-67). The intention of
eugenicists was to use the newly
re-discovered Mendelian laws of
heredity to improve the human race.
The movement became part of the
zeitgeist of the day, the elite of
science, politics, and education being
proponents, including Woodrow Wilson,
Theodore Roosevelt, Margaret Sanger,
Andrew Carnegie, John D. Rockefeller,
Alexander Graham Bell, and Supreme
Court Justice Oliver Wendell
Holmes. Not himself a hard-core
eugenicist, Charles Darwin
acknowledged the need for altruism and
aid for our weaker brothers and
sisters, but hard-core geneticists
embraced the thinking of Social
Darwinism, questioning even
vaccination and philanthropy as
factors that enable the weaker to
survive.
Eugenics was
inherently racist, based on a belief
in the superiority of Nordic stock and
on preserving the purity of the
germ-plasm, the eugenicists' term for
the inheritance package carried by
individuals. The national stock of
germ-plasm was the eugenicists'
primary concern. Seeing the unhealthy
and unfit as a burden on society,
eugenicists argued that improvements
to the environment—housing, nutrition,
education, medical care—would not
solve society's problems but only
foster the survival of the unfit.
Although
eugenics claimed to be science-based,
it could more accurately be called
science-exploiting. In the classic
debate of nature versus nurture,
opinion in the first part of the 20th
century favored the hereditary nature
of all disorders, physical defects,
and problem behaviors, including eye
defects, physical deformities,
dwarfism, deafness, epilepsy,
feeble-mindedness (a favorite
catch-all category), schizophrenia,
manic depression, insanity,
tuberculosis, syphilis, even vagrancy,
pauperism, criminality, and
immorality. One serious problem with
the eugenicists' conclusions was that
the science of the day was woefully
inadequate in understanding mental
illness, epilepsy, intelligence
testing, and the principles of
inheritance. Another problem was
that few traits are purely hereditary.
Mukherjee explains, Most genes react
with other triggers--environment,
chance, behaviors, or even parental
and prenatal exposures—to determine an
organism's form and function (454).
The eugenicists had a kind of
hubristic confidence that they knew
exactly how to master nature. Galton
stated, What nature does blindly and
ruthlessly, man may do providently,
quickly, and kindly (qtd. In Mukherjee
72).
*
* *
The eugenics
movement advocated three courses of
action: education, segregation and
sterilization, and immigration reform.
Eugenicists published articles and
books, created college and high school
texts and courses, and held
international conferences attended by
scientists, physicians, and such
notables as Winston Churchill, Harvard
President Charles Eliot, and eminent
physician William Osler, as well as a
delegation from Germany, who gave a
presentation on what they termed
Racial Hygiene. American eugenicists
even took their agenda to state fairs;
the Kansas Free Fair of 1929 included
educational exhibits and contests for
Better Babies and Fitter Families
alongside cattle, pig, and sheep
judging, with ribbons and cash prizes
awarded to the winners. A staff of
examiners screened the contestants
covering hereditary, social, and
educational attainments and mental and
physical status (Cohen 61). Between
1890 and 1930, almost everyone who was
anyone was a eugenicist in sympathy if
not in practice. There were few
dissenting voices except for the
Catholic Church (Cohen 67).
One of the
founding fathers of American eugenics
was Charles Davenport, a
Harvard-educated biologist interested
in scientific breeding of livestock
and dogs with an organization called
the American Breeders Association,
which soon extended its focus to human
breeding. In 1904 Davenport founded
the Station for the Experimental Study
of Evolution in Cold Spring Harbor,
New York. Davenport recruited
eugenicist Harry Laughlin, and the
Cold Spring Harbor facility became the
Eugenics Record Office. Funded by
Andrew Carnegie and other wealthy
patrons, it collected histories and
pedigrees, developed manuals, and
trained field workers to do eugenic
research. Other adherents were Edwin
Alderman, president of the University
of Virginia; Harvey Jordan, dean of
the UVA medical school; and Joseph
DeJarnette, superintendent of Western
State Hospital in Staunton, Virginia.
At the First
National Conference on Race
Betterment, held in Battle Creek,
Michigan, in 1914, Laughlin quantified
the problem: To rid the nation of what
he [Laughlin] called the 'lowest
one-tenth' of the population would
require fifteen million people to be
sterilized over the next two
generations. There had so far been
fewer than one thousand eugenic
sterilizations, he said, and that was
not nearly enough (Cohen 118-19). The
policy Laughlin recommended might be
irreverently called catch and release:
identify defectives, institutionalize
them, sterilize them, and release them
to return to normal life. He
continued, If America is to escape the
doom of nations generally, it must
breed good Americans. The fall of
every nation in history has been due
to many causes, but always chiefest
among these causes has been the
decline of the national stock (qtd. in
Cohen 121).
The drive to
enact sterilization laws began in
Indiana in 1907, quickly spreading
throughout the nation. By 1931, 28 of
the 48 states had legalized eugenic
sterilization (Cohen 306). An
important center of eugenic activity
was the Virginia Colony for
Feeble-Minded and Epileptics in
Amherst County, Virginia,
superintended by Dr. Alfred Priddy,
and characterized by Mukherjee as the
Hotel California of mental illness:
patients who checked in rarely ever
left (79). Patients at such
institutions were routinely sterilized
by salpingectomy (surgical removal of
a fallopian tube) for women or
vasectomy for men, often without the
patient's knowledge or consent. The
paperwork recorded that the procedures
were necessary because of appendicitis
or pelvic disease.
While the
threat to racial purity from within
was addressed by segregating and
sterilizing the unfit and by
miscegenation laws in Virginia and
other states, the external threat was
addressed by immigration reform in
response to a surge of ten million
white immigrants from 1890 to 1924.
Mainly Jewish, Italian, Irish, and
Polish, this population was said to be
carrying defective germ-plasm
(Mukherjee 82), while the stock deemed
desirable was Nordic from such
countries as Germany, Scandinavia,
Scotland, and England.
Harry
Laughlin testified to Congress,
Careful studies have shown that the
frequency of Insanity [sic] in our
foreign population is 2.9 times
greater than in those of native birth
(qtd. in Cohen 130). In addition
to Laughlin's supposedly scientific
evidence, the eugenicists took their
propaganda campaign to the popular
press. In a 1929 article in Good
Housekeeping, Calvin Coolidge
asserted less than lucidly, Biological
laws tell us that certain divergent
people will not mix or blend. The
Nordics propagate themselves
successfully. With other races, the
outcome shows deterioration on both
sides (qtd. in Cohen 134). In 1923, a
Saturday Evening Post editorial
endorsed Laughlin's testimony: If
America doesn't keep out the queer,
alien, mongrelized people of Southern
and Eastern Europe, her crop of
citizens will eventually be dwarfed
and mongrelized in turn (Cohen 134).
Congress
responded by passing the extremely
stringent Immigration Act of 1924.
Subsequent immigration from Southern
and Eastern Europe fell dramatically,
especially that of European Jews, for
whom the timing was catastrophic. In
1941, from the Netherlands, Otto Frank
wrote desperate letters to U.S.
Government officials appealing
unsuccessfully for American visas for
his wife Edith and his daughters
Margot and Anne Frank (Cohen
135).
After the
Nazis seized power in 1933, their
sterilization laws were modeled after
American precedents but went further,
targeting not only those with
hereditary disorders but also
political dissidents, journalists, and
ultimately certain ethnic groups. It
was a steep and slippery slope from
sterilization to occasional euthanasia
to extermination of six million Jews
in the Holocaust.
*
* *
In 1929,
Harry Laughlin showed Congress a chart
of nationalities ranked by
intelligence, a chart based on data
from U.S. Army testing. The verbal
skills testing was administered at
Ellis Island to immigrants who had
just endured a trans-Atlantic voyage
in steerage, had limited English
literacy, and may have never before
held a pencil. Needless to say, most
of them tested very badly. The history
of intelligence testing is bound up
with the eugenics movement because IQ
tests were the tools for identifying
the incompetents among the native
stock as well as among immigrants. To
pursue this fascinating subject, you
cannot do better than Stephen Jay
Gould's The Mismeasure of Man
(1981, revised and expanded in
1996.)
Intelligence
testing began in France with Alfred
Binet, director of the Sorbonne
psychology lab, who devised a battery
of tests designed to identify school
children in need of remedial help.
After Binet, the dominant American
psychologists involved in intelligence
testing were Henry Goddard, Lewis
Terman, and Robert Yerkes. Their
thinking postulated a single factor,
which they called general
intelligence, which resided in the
brain and was innate and immutable. It
could be measured, supposedly, with IQ
tests, which were used to classify and
rank people (Gould 20). As used by the
eugenicists, this testing was said to
prove that oppressed and disadvantaged
people—races, classes, or sexes—are
innately inferior and deserve their
status (Gould 27).
Goddard
concluded that feeble-mindedness
obeyed Mendelian rules of inheritance,
and he created a taxonomy of mental
defectives. Idiots, the lowest, had a
mental age of three and could not
develop speech. Imbeciles, with a
mental age of three to seven, could
not master written language. The
highest category, which Goddard called
morons, had a mental age of eight to
twelve and could be taught to function
in society. It should be noted that
these categories were often employed
imprecisely and that eugenicists saw a
strong link between feeble-mindedness
and immorality (Gould
193-194).
Lewis Terman
of Stanford revised the Binet tests,
creating the grandfather of all of
today's ubiquitous mental tests.
However, intelligence testing really
took off with Robert Yerkes' testing
of 1.75 million World War I Army
recruits. Literate Army recruits took
the Alpha test of verbal skills while
illiterate recruits and those who
failed the Alpha test took the
pictorial Beta test. The shocking
result of the Army tests showed that
the average mental age of white
American adults stood just above the
moron threshold, age thirteen.
Actually, the tests measured literacy
and knowledge of American culture, not
intelligence, and their administration
was a shambles. Tests were
administered in unsuitable venues,
with inadequately trained testers, and
with strictly enforced timing under
circumstances guaranteed to cause
confusion and anxiety. The recruits
were not told why they were tested and
what use would be made of the tests.
Nevertheless, the conclusion that 47.3
per cent--almost half--of the white
draft were morons was considered sound
science (Gould 253). (1)
*
* *
In 1924, the
same year the Immigration Act was
passed, the eugenics movement also set
in motion what became the landmark
case of Buck v. Bell in
Amherst County, Virginia.
Carrie Buck,
a tomboyish sixteen, the daughter of
Frank and Emma Buck, a young woman
socially, politically, and literally
from the wrong side of the
Charlottesville, Virginia tracks, had
become pregnant. At the time she was a
foster child in the home of Alice and
John Dobbs, where she helped with
housework and was sometimes hired out
to neighbors. Carrie said that the
father of her child was Clarence
Garland, the visiting nephew of Alice
Dobbs, and that he seduced her with a
promise of marriage but took her by
force (Lombardo 139-140).
The Dobbses
petitioned the Juvenile and Domestic
Relations Court in Charlottesville to
send Carrie to the Virginia Colony for
Epileptics and Feeble-Minded in
Amherst County, where two doctors
judged her to be feeble-minded. The
Dobbses stated that she had a temper,
was dishonest, and was guilty of moral
delinquency, having become pregnant
out of wedlock. Carrie's daughter
Vivian, born March 28, 1924, was
placed with the Dobbses.
When Carrie
entered the Colony, the mental
examiner who tested her wrote
inaccurately that she had attended
school for nine years, had repeated
one grade, and had an IQ of 56. In
actuality, she had completed fifth
grade, been promoted to sixth, and had
never repeated a grade—these being
some of many inaccuracies and
inconsistencies in the court record
(Lombardo 105).
Carrie's
mother, Emma Buck, age 48, had been
committed to the colony four years
earlier. The record notes that she
suffered from pneumonia, rheumatism,
and syphilis. She had been
arrested for prostitution and had
given birth to illegitimate children.
Her IQ was listed as 50, diagnosis
Mental Deficiency, Familial Moron
(Lombardo 106).
Dr. Albert
Priddy, Superintendent of the Virginia
Colony, was a fervent eugenicist who
had performed illegal sterilizations
of inmates for years until he was sued
by the husband of Willie Mallory, a
woman institutionalized for
feeble-mindedness, whom Priddy had
sterilized and whose children he
intended to sterilize for pelvic
disease. When the Mallory suit came to
trial, the jury refused to award
Mallory damages, but the lawsuit made
the Virginia superintendents wary and
all sterilizations stopped. Priddy was
determined to take a test case to the
U.S Supreme Court in order to legalize
sterilization of the feeble-minded and
socially unfit. In the three
generations of Emma, Carrie, and
Vivian Buck, he believed he had his
case.
The first
trial, Buck v. Priddy, Amherst
County Court, 1924, was a travesty of
justice. Priddy was represented by a
competent lawyer, Aubrey Strode. The
major premise of the case was that
Carrie's genealogy represented
hereditary deficiencies (Lombardo
136). Drs. Albert Priddy and Joseph
DeJarnette testified, and Dr. Harry
Laughlin of the Eugenics Record Office
was deposed. Laughlin had
written a model law for eugenic
sterilization and a popular book
entitled Eugenic Sterilization in
the United States. Laughlin also
dispatched a colleague, a zealous
fieldworker, Dr. Harry Estabrook, to
examine the principals and testify in
the trial.
The Colony
Board appointed legal representation
for Carrie, Irving Whitehead,
confidant of Priddy, boyhood friend to
Aubrey Strode, former Colony director,
and sterilization advocate (Lombardo
107). Teachers, neighbors, and social
workers gave testimony that was often
rumor or hearsay. The charge that
Emma, the mother, and Carrie, her
daughter, were feeble-minded was not
consistent with the fact that both had
completed fifth grade and been
promoted to sixth. No one challenged
whether feeble-minded was a
scientifically meaningful term or the
validity of mental testing of the
seven-month-old infant Vivian, even
though [t]he circumstances of
Carrie's commitment and the
contradictions in the testimony of her
foster parents should have alerted any
conscientious attorney to probe
further (Lombardo 139). Procedures in
place to protect Carrie were
formalities only, and she did not
appear to understand what was at
stake.
Joseph
DeJarnette, superintendent of Western
State Hospital in Staunton, Virginia,
had been a specialist in care of the
mentally ill for thirty-six years. In
court he demonstrated only a
simplistic understanding of Mendel's
laws and stated that feeble-mindedness
runs in families (Lombardo 123-124).
The trial
ended in less than five hours
(Lombardo 135). Less than two
months after the Buck v. Priddy trial,
Albert Priddy died of Hodgkin's
disease, and Dr. John Bell succeeded
him as superintendent of the Lynchburg
Colony and defendant in the lawsuit,
now Buck v. Bell, which
proceeded in 1925 to the Virginia
Supreme Court of Appeals.
In 1927
Carrie's case was argued before the
U.S Supreme Court, and it took hardly
any time for the court to render its
8-1 verdict on May 12, 1927, just
before Carrie's twenty-first birthday.
Pierce Butler, the only Roman Catholic
on the court, was the sole dissenter,
and he never explained his dissent.
Chief Justice William Howard Taft
assigned Oliver Wendell Holmes to
write the majority opinion. In part,
it reads, It is better for all the
world, if instead of waiting to
execute degenerate offspring for
crime, or to let them starve for their
imbecility, society can prevent those
who are manifestly unfit from
continuing their kind. Three
generations of imbeciles are enough
(qtd. in Mukherjee 83-84).
Carrie's
salpingectomy was performed on October
19, 1927, by Dr. John Bell. She wanted
to return to the Dobbs household to be
with her daughter, but Alice Dobbs
refused, and Carrie was placed in
another home. Ultimately, Carrie
married twice and died in 1983.
It is
estimated that between 1907 and 1983
sixty to seventy thousand Americans
were sterilized, mainly in Virginia
and California (Cohen 319). However,
the American eugenics movement was
moribund by the end of World War II.
Various factors contributed to its
demise: preoccupation with the
challenges of the Great Depression;
revulsion at revelations of Nazi
ethnic cleansing; changes in care of
the mentally ill which countered their
segregation in large institutions;
introduction of new therapies such as
insulin, drug, and electric shock and
lobotomy; new antipsychotic drugs
which enabled treatment of the
mentally ill at home; and advances in
the knowledge of epilepsy and mental
illness, along with improvements in
intelligence testing.
Mukherjee
points out that eugenics is not
actually dead but reincarnated, more
politely, in the last half of the
twentieth century—no longer your Nazi
grandfather's eugenics (272) but
eugenics in its benign avatar. Its
champions call it neo-genics or
newgenics (273). Newgenics is
based on sound science and individual
choice. It brings us a myriad of
amazing possibilities and
controversial issues, including
legalization of abortion, mapping the
human genome, genetic diagnosis and
analysis, cloning, genius sperm banks,
designer babies, gene replacement
therapy, and stem cell therapy—a brave
new world indeed! Newgenics brings new
moral and ethical challenges. We were
once warned to beware the
military-industrial complex. Now
Mukherjee cautions us to beware the
genetic-commercial complex
(272). But that is surely
another Torch
paper.
Footnote
(1) 1994 saw an example of the
heritage of the eugenic view when
Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray
published The Bell Curve, a
heavily documented tome proving the
innate group differences in IQ between
whites and blacks in America, a work
thoroughly demolished by Gould in the
revised edition of The Mismeasure of
Man (367-378).
Works Cited
Cohen, Adam.
Imbeciles: The Supreme Court,
American Eugenics, and the
Sterilization of Carrie Buck. New
York: Penguin, 2006.
Gould, Stephen Jay. The Mismeasure
of Man. New York: Norton, 1996,
1981.
Lombardo, Paul A. Three Generations,
No Imbeciles: Eugenics, the Supreme
Court, and Buck v. Bell.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2008
Mukherjee, Siddhartha. The Gene: An
Intimate History. New York:
Scribners, 2016.
Author's
Biography
The late Anne Legge was a
retired associate professor of English
from Lord Fairfax Community College,
Middletown, Virginia.
She graduated Phi Beta Kappa from the
College of William and Mary, where she
was student body president. She also
earned a graduate degree from the
University of Virginia.
A
member of the Winchester Torch Club
since 1983, she served as club
president (1986-87) and received the
Silver Torch Award in 2001. She was a
two-time recipient of the Charles
Greeb Best Paper Award.
Eugenics in America was originally
presented to the Winchester club on
March 1, 2017.