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The Torch Magazine,
The Journal and Magazine of the
International Association of Torch Clubs
For 94 Years
A Peer-Reviewed
Quality Controlled
Publication
ISSN Print 0040-9440
ISSN Online 2330-9261
Fall
2019
Volume 93, Issue 1
Seig
High!
Psychostimulants and Opioids
in World War II
by John Elrick
Adolf Hitler died a ruined junkie. The
German army's greatest successes were
fueled by stimulants. These claims,
put forth by Norman Ohler in his 2016
book Blitzed and by Sam
Taplin in the AHC documentary High
Hitler and His Nazi Supersoldiers,
are based on data mined from sources
in the National Archives. While these
claims are controversial and stand out
from earlier observations concerning
the war, they have the advantage of
explaining some of the gaps in our
understanding of the rise and fall of
the Third Reich.
And the Third
Reich has long been something we are
keen to understand. The writers of the
Star Trek episode "Patterns of
Force" (in which Capt. Kirk's old
history professor John Gill has
refashioned one planet's society along
Nazi lines) capture the aura of
perverted mystique which surrounds
Nazi Germany:
KIRK:
But why Nazi Germany? You studied
history. You knew what the Nazis were.
GILL: Most
efficient state Earth ever knew.
SPOCK: Quite
true, Captain. That tiny country,
beaten, bankrupt, defeated, rose in a
few years to stand only one step away
from global domination. (Lucas)
When that episode was
written, World War II was still fresh
in the minds of the world. The
definitive history of the war, The
Rise and Fall of the Third Reich,
had been in print for fifteen years.
Memoirs of German leaders such as
Heinz Guderian and Albert Speer were
either in print or about to be, and
movies dramatizing the defeat of the
Nazi forces were a Hollywood staple.
These stories
were all a desperate attempt to answer
a gnawing question: how was it
possible that a nation such as
Germany—home to Bach and Beethoven,
the inventor of social security, an
educated industrial powerhouse steeped
in a halo of iron will and
discipline—should have turned their
focus to the industrialized slaughter
of human beings, a process made so
efficient as to have claimed 11.5
million lives?
Pervitin
In 1977, John
Toland wrote a three-inch-thick
biography of Adolf Hitler. Buried
inside the book are a handful of
references to the Fuhrer's personal
physician, Dr. Theodore Morell.
Although these references mention
vitamin and hormone-based injections
given to Hitler, Toland makes no
further allusion to pharmacological
interventions. One would believe that
the Nazi war machine was driven by
sheer will and the unflagging
determination of humans pushing
themselves to the limit.
In 1985, Dr.
Ernst Gunther Schenck published his
opus, a book based on a close reading
of 15,000 pages of microfilm taken
from the papers of Morell, in which he
discussed many of the supplements and
vitamin mixtures administered to
Hitler. Buried in those pages was a
tiny comment, easily overlooked: "I
suspect they [the mixtures] included,
on some occasions, Pervitin, the use
of which I strongly opposed" (Breo).
This
innocuous comment casually introduced
the modern reader to a compound
synthesized by chemist Friedrich
Hauschild at Temmler. The compound,
Pervitin, reached the market in 1938.
Sold without a prescription, it was
touted by Temmler as a pick-me-up more
effective than a cup of coffee without
any negative side effects. It was
consumed by night shift workers and
new mothers both; a solution for long
nights and too little sleep. It was
even packaged into a chocolate called
Hillebrand and marketed directly to
women.
The drug was
the subject of multiple studies
published in 1939, all of which, while
cautioning on the unknown long-term
effects, reported generally positive
results from use. In late 1938,
Pervitin found its way into the sight
of Otto Ranke, Leiter of the Academy
for Military Medicine in Berlin. After
testing it on himself, Ranke became
enthusiastic about the potential for
Pervitin for treating exhaustion
during prolonged combat conditions.
The Wehrmacht became so interested in
the compound they supplied 35 million
doses to the troops during the
invasion of France and another 29
million tablets during the opening
phases of Operation Barbarossa, the
invasion of the Soviet Union.
According to
Taplin, the Allies first became aware
of the potential of Pervitin in 1941
after a German aircraft was shot down
over England and an inspection of the
pilot's survival gear uncovered a tube
containing a number of tablets wrapped
in gold foil. The tube was labeled
Pervitin, and the instructions
cautioned against a number of
potentially dangerous side effects.
These side effects are much better
understood today after decades of
experience with long term use of the
drug. Temmler called it Pervitin. We
know it as crystal meth.
It is here
that the works of Ohler and Taplin
take up the thread. Until Ohler's
book, any academic focus on the role
of Pervitin halted at one name,
Leonardo Conti,
Reichsgesundheitsführer (Reich Health
Leader) of the Nazi Party. Conti had
taken a hard line against Pervitin
after the first negative side effects
began to emerge in 1941. He found it
contrary to the Nazi positions on
racial purity and convinced the Reich
Minister of the Interior to categorize
the drug as an illicit substance.
Further, Snelders and Pieters state
army health inspectors gave strict
instructions to medical officers to
restrict use of the drugs during both
the French invasion and Barbarossa.
Conti's
stance and the actions of the German
government argue that the role of
methamphetamine in the German military
ended at this point. Ohler and Taplin,
however, have taken the position that
it did not. The genie was out of the
bottle, and no amount of posturing
would put it back in. Pervitin had
become an essential element of
survival in a war Germany could not
win. Ohler cites the letters of
Heinrich Boll, a wartime gunner who
was later named a Nobel Laureate for
literature. In one letter home Boll
asks his parents, "Please remember to
send me, at the next opportunity, an
envelope containing Pervitin." The
matter-of-fact tone of the request
implies how integrated the use of the
drug was to German society at the
time.
Another story
tells of a wounded German soldier,
captured at Stalingrad, whose Pervitin
supply enabled him to survive the
grueling march in captivity in minus
38 degree Celsius temperatures with
little to eat. "Ultimately I walked as
if in trance," he recounted later, "my
wounded legs moved automatically, I
didn't feel the cold anymore, nor
hunger and thirst" (Snelders and
Pieters, 692). Apparently, even after
being cut off from supplies for
several months in conditions requiring
every edge to survive, the soldier
still had a significant supply of
Pervitin left. This piece of evidence
is an indicator of how much of this
drug was supplied to German soldiers
up to the surrender at Stalingrad in
February 1943.
A further
example of the role Pervitin played in
aiding the German soldier is the story
of Captain Hans von Luck who, while
transferring from the Eastern Front to
the Africa Corps, told his driver:
"We'll drive without stopping until
we're out of Russia. We'll relieve
each other every 100 kilometres,
swallow Pervitin and stop only for
fuel" (Snelders and Pieters, 692). In
another case, a group of 500 German
soldiers, surrounded by the Red Army,
used Pervitin to aid their escape
through temperatures of minus 30
degrees Celsius. A doctor recounted
how the men, marching through
waist-deep snow, were collapsing at
midnight. After taking Pervitin, the
men "began spontaneously reporting
that they felt better. They began
marching in orderly fashion again,
their spirits improved, and they
became more alert" (Ulrich).
Successes
such as these were overshadowed by the
horror stories surrounding the
negative consequences of
methamphetamine abuse: paranoia,
hallucinations, and loss of empathy.
One case involved a Waffen-SS unit at
the siege of Leningrad. After pumping
themselves full of Pervitin to prepare
for an expected Soviet attack, the
stoned soldiers began firing wildly at
imaginary targets until they had
exhausted their ammunition. The Red
Army marched over the position the
next day; the defenders were senseless
and defenseless.
Taplin
reported in his documentary that
Temmler produced 600,000 tablets in
one day in 1943, an amount well under
the maximum estimated production
capacity of over 800,000 tablets per
day, but shockingly high compared to
the levels reportedly used by the
German army by that point in the war.
Further, Defalque reports that the
amount of Pervitin the Allies
discovered in the Kreigsmarine's
medical depots after the war hint at
an intensive use of the drug.
Therefore, it is possible production
continued to climb, although the
fragmentary documentation which
survived the hostilities makes it
difficult to determine overall
production figures.
Eukodal
Ohler further
documents a second drug which,
evidence indicates, was first
administered to Hitler sometime in
1943. The drug, Eukodal, was given to
combat severe stomach pains on July
18, 1943; this date is the first time
that Morell's documentation mentions
the drug in connection to Patient A,
his code for Hitler. The Eukodal
injection was a desperate measure by
Morell when his traditional vitamin
and glucose injections failed to ease
the Fuhrer's pain. Hitler rebounded in
time for an historic meeting with
Italian dictator Mussolini, where he
proceeded to dominate the conversation
with enthusiasm, utterly convinced
that the Axis powers would triumph.
Mussolini, who had intended to
convince Hitler that Italy leaving the
war was best for all, found himself
instead backing Hitler; albeit with
much less enthusiasm than his fellow
dictator.
Eukodal would
become a near daily tonic for the
Fuhrer, following him until the final
days in Berlin. We know Eukodol as
Oxycodone. Ohler's theory proposes
that this regimen of opioid kept
Hitler in a state of euphoria and
fueled his delusions concerning the
prospects of Germany. Prior to the
war, Hitler had been near
manic-depressive, with mood swings on
a weekly basis. Morell's injections of
various barely understood concoctions
helped keep him in an elevated mental
state. As Eukodal had been available
since the early 1930s, whether or not
Morell incorporated this drug silently
into his star patient's treatments
earlier than 1943 remains an open
question.
There is
another story which raises evidence of
earlier use of either Pervitin or
Eukodal. On March 15, 1938, the
President of Czechoslovakia, Emil
Hacha, collapsed during a state visit
after being presented demands for a de
facto capitulation. The agitated
Hitler called for Morell to revive the
man and, after a cursory examination,
Morell injected Hacha with an
unidentified concoction which was
likely the same as he gave the Fuhrer
in the past. Hacha arose as if from
the dead, with such energy that he
began to resist the demands of Hitler.
The question of what, exactly, Morell
gave Hacha will remain a mystery, yet
it is a provocative glance into the
power system of Nazi Germany and the
times.
Alcohol
No discussion
of the role intoxicants played in the
Third Reich could be considered
complete without examining one of the
oldest military pharmaceuticals: C2H6O
or alcohol. Lukasz Kamienski digs
deeply into the rich history of the
use of alcohol in war, tracing back to
beer and wine in ancient times.
Fermented beverages have multiple
advantages when it comes to warfare.
In small doses, alcohol is a
stimulant, numbing fear and increasing
bravado, both essential in battle. In
larger doses, alcohol acts as a
depressant, allowing soldiers to
escape the horrors of close quarters
combat. Another bonus is that
alcoholic beverages pack dense
calories in a form which resists
spoilage and bacterial contamination.
It is no
wonder that alcohol plays such a large
role in the history of warfare, with
ancient Greek texts recounting the
wine-soaked celebrations after the
only slightly less inebriated
preparations for battle. In the words
of Victor Davis Hanson,
It
may be naive to assume that the
Greek hoplite, who drank daily both
at home and while on the march,
would not realize that an extra cup
or two of wine at his customary last
supper might stanch his fear, dull
his sensitivity to physical injury
and mental anguish, and make the
awful task of facing an enemy
phalanx that much easier.
Wine and beer both had
the distinct advantage of being safer
to drink than the likely contaminated
local water. As Kamienski says,
"wine, with its germicidal properties,
helped protect the health of
legionaries and frequently saved their
lives." Thousands of years later, the
British empire was built on rum for
much the same reasons, providing
bacteria-free drinking for their navy
as well as some of the largest
concentration of calories: one liter
of rum carries a staggering 4,000
calories.
During World
War II alcohol fulfilled a more
sinister purpose, helping SS
Einsatzgruppen teams carry out the
execution of women and children one
bullet at a time. Westermann recounts
that, although abstinence from alcohol
was considered one of the nine virtues
of the SS man, it was used as both a
reward and incentive for participation
in killing actions. Stripped of their
inhibitions by binge drinking, Gestapo
officials were well known to carry out
killing sprees in the wake of official
executions. Postwar testimony from a
former policeman concerning actions of
Ukrainian auxiliaries during a mass
killing stated that all the men were
drunk. According to Westermann: "He
recalled that drunken auxiliaries
grabbed infants and toddlers by the
legs and tossed them into the air
before shooting them down like 'clay
pigeons,'" Westermann further cites
the commentary of Werner Schönemann of
Einsatzkommando 8: "We have to carry
out this unhappy task, shooting all
the way to the Urals. As you can
imagine, it's not pretty and one can
bear it only with alcohol."
There is no
lack of evidence that alcohol played a
vital role in removing any remaining
inhibitions the SS men may have had
about committing cold blooded murder.
What is lacking is evidence of the
role of Pervitin in the slaughter.
Given the prevalence of Pervitin among
German military and civilians, it
would be difficult to believe that the
SS did not have access. Indeed, there
is specific reference to the use of
special tablets containing a mixture
of Pervitin, cocaine, and oxycodone by
Otto Skorzeny's SS commandos in the
Serbian mountains during the winter of
1944-1945. As a documented side effect
of methamphetamine usage is loss of
empathy and increased aggressiveness,
one may postulate that the use of
Pervitin by SS death squads would
certainly not have been an impediment
to their duties.
The Japanese
military also made use of alcohol and
methamphetamine. Kamikaze pilots would
be pumped up on sake and given
amphetamines before flying to their
deaths. The numbing effects of ethanol
coupled with the high from speed
helped erase the natural fears which
would prevent the performance of their
duty to deliberately crash their bomb
and fuel laden aircraft into enemy
ships, resulting in possible enemy
fatalities while ensuring their own
death.
Allies
British and American forces also
tapped into amphetamines, albeit in
much smaller quantities and using
Benzedrine. The Allies began
investigating amphetamines after
learning of the German use of Pervitin
during the invasion of France. This
drug was examined as a means of
remaining alert during prolonged
missions and also for increased
confidence, aggression, and "morale."
Estimates of supply during the war
were 72 million tablets for Great
Britain with a similar amount supplied
to the United States (Durham). The
drug was used by the RAF and was
supplied to the U.S. Army in the form
of packets of six Benzedrine pep pills
per soldier. Benzedrine played a role
during the invasion of Tarawa. and
paratroopers used it during D-Day in
June 1944.
Conclusion
As the
conflicting evidence continues to flow
into the history books, one thing is
clear: both stimulants and opioid
drugs played a far greater role in the
events of World War II than has
previously been told. Certainly, the
atrocities committed by the Nazis
cannot be pinned on pharmaceutical
interventions any more than they can
be blamed solely on mental issues or
distortions of reality. Yet to dismiss
the potential role of dangerous brain
altering compounds does nothing to aid
in understanding and preventing future
problems. In the middle east today,
Captagone, the grandchild of Pervitin,
has already been implicated as a major
factor in the excesses and brutality
of Islamic State fighters. The use of
pharmaceuticals for creating the
perfect killing machine are a part of
human history and will be part of the
future. If for no other reason than to
help us build knowledge to protect
ourselves, we must make the effort to
separate fact from fantasy.
Works
Cited
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(2011). Methamphetamine for Hitler's
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Author's
Biography
![](Elrickphoto.jpg)
John Elrick holds a Master of
Science in Organizational Leadership
and has published papers in topics
such as organizational systems and
economics. He has been an avid
student of the history behind the
rise and fall of Nazi Germany for
over forty years.
Currently, he is
a Senior Systems Analyst with
Westat, a Rockville, Maryland based
research firm and is a Business
Subject Matter Expert working with
Nexford University.
"Seig High!" was
delivered to the Winchester Torch
Club on June 8, 2018.
He may be reached
at john.elrick@gmail.com.
©2019
by the International Association of
Torch Clubs
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