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The Torch Magazine,
The Journal and Magazine of the
International Association of Torch Clubs
For 95 Years
A Peer-Reviewed
Quality Controlled
Publication
ISSN Print 0040-9440
ISSN Online 2330-9261
Spring
2020
Volume 93, Issue 3
Finding
Common Ground:
Means, Ends, and Core Values
in America Today
by
Donald G. Hanway
As Americans
we say that our life together is
grounded in the rule of law. I
would argue that there is something
more foundational than our history or
our laws: our common values and how we
talk about them.
If you
suspect that the religion of nihilism
is newly regnant among many
Americans—that is, the supposition
that there is no underlying foundation
for truth or values, because life has
no ultimate purpose—you have some
company. There is a good discussion of
the nihilist phenomenon and the role
it may be playing in our contemporary
political culture in Garret Keizer's
article entitled "Nihilist Nation" in
the November 2018 issue of The New
Republic magazine. I imagine, though,
that very few readers of The Torch
are part of that phenomenon.
For the
purpose of my paper, I'm assuming that
America was founded on some shared
values, and that many of these are
still shared by the majority of us.
*
* *
I submit that the following are some
primary American values, not
necessarily in this order:
First, a
sense of fair play and equal
opportunity, facilitated by access to
quality education, and income
sufficient for living.
Second,
public safety, so that one, regardless
of the color of one's skin, may go to
work, or to school, or to a concert or
movie, without the fear of being
attacked, and so that one may travel
without fear of harassment or being
put at undue hazard.
Third, the
right to some privacy, so that we can
make some choices without scrutiny or
interference (such as being able to
cast a ballot in anonymity, or to
dress minimally in our homes, or to
conduct our sexual lives as we please,
so long as we are not harming others).
Fourth,
community, so that we may benefit from
interaction and shared resources, not
only in business, but in the arts and
in our religious life, and so that the
less fortunate, including refugees,
may be provided with many of the
blessings we enjoy.
Fifth, and
many would put this first, freedom—not
to do entirely as we please, where
others are adversely affected, but to
develop our interests and talents, so
that all may benefit, and to choose
those who will lead us.
And here is
one more value which must become
central for Americans, even though it
is currently only taken seriously by a
relative minority, and that is the
protection of life on this planet for
future generations, including access
to clean air and fresh water,
sustainable agriculture, and
responsible management of the oceans,
as well as plant and animal
life. Without the adoption of
this value, the future of human beings
on this planet is in jeopardy in the
imminent future. Contrary to
what some people believe, nature
cannot save itself without human
cooperation.
*
* *
Just as
important as our values are the ways
in which he act upon them. Here too we
need some shared assumptions, some
ground rules.
In the summer
of 1961, I took two courses at the
University of Nebraska, prior to my
entering as a full-time student in the
fall. One was Trigonometry,
which has been of use to me primarily
in solving crossword puzzles; "cosine"
is a word I rarely encounter
elsewhere. The other was an
introductory course in Ethics, in the
Department of Philosophy. That
course has become part of the bedrock
of my thinking, about how humans
relate to one another, both in
private, person-to-person contexts and
in large, public ones. The key ethical
issue, I came to see, has to do with
how we relate means and ends.
That relationship continued to be
important to me as I entered, several
years later, into the study of
theology and the Christian Church.
Here is the
crux of the issue: Can achieving
a worthy end justify the use of
unworthy means?
Dr. Martin
Luther King was among those who would
answer, "no." In his Christmas Eve
sermon in 1967, at Ebenezer Baptist
Church in Atlanta, King said:
There
have always been those who argued
that the end justifies the means,
that the means really aren't
important. But we will never
have peace in the world until men
everywhere recognize that ends are
not cut off from means, because the
means represent the ideal in the
making, and the end in process, and
ultimately you can't reach good ends
through evil means, because the
means represent the seed and the end
represents the tree. (King)
He makes an
excellent point, certainly. Still, as
we gain life experience, we learn that
the answer is not always
clear-cut. As an example, was
the use of nuclear weapons to bring a
swift end to World War II justified,
in preference to prolonged ground
assaults? We can still debate
that one.
As I entered
into my life's work as an Episcopal
priest and congregational leader, I
faced the ethical question of
directing how funds were to be raised
to enable the congregation's work. As
I hardly need to tell you, there are a
great many none-too-scrupulous ways of
raising funds. Does achieving a
worthy end, like the sustaining of a
congregation and its mission, justify
an unworthy means? I decided,
no—our approach to stewardship,
a Biblical mandate for church members,
encompassing much more than the
raising of funds, must be consistent
with the Gospel, with the Good News we
are called to proclaim: namely,
that God's love is unconditional and
in no way depends upon how much money,
or time, or talent, one contributes to
the work of the Church, or to society.
Stewardship—that is, our management of
all the gifts God has put into our
hands—must be worthy of the end to be
achieved, and to do that it must be
based not upon guilt, or appeals to
duty, or even upon the Church's need,
but upon our thankful response to what
God has given us. Stewardship,
in other words, must be consistent
with our worship and our preaching.
Now, in our
national discourse, we are faced again
and again with the issue of ethics,
and whether achieving a worthy end can
justify the use of unworthy
means. Involved with this
question is the obligation to be
truthful and honest. Will our
language, in arguing for our causes,
be understood as truth-bearing, or
merely as instrumental? More
baldly, may lying and
misrepresentation be justified, as a
means of securing the end we seek?
Fact-checking
has become increasingly necessary in
recent years, as leaders in Congress
and in the administration have used
Orwellian twists of language to
misrepresent what they are about,
whether speaking of "reforming
entitlements" such as health care
assistance and Social Security, in
order to shift the burden of taxes
away from the more affluent, or to
foster supposed greater efficiency in
mail delivery by privatizing the U. S.
Postal Service, after encumbering that
organization with an extra burden of
retirement funding. Journalists play
an essential role in countering the
tactics of disinformation, which prey
upon fear and ignorance. The
rise of social media platforms has
provided a way, however, for
narratives to be spread widely without
fact-checking. Truth sometimes
struggles to catch up.
*
* *
Let's revisit
those six core values now and consider
the questions and debates that may
arise when we think about how ends
relate to means (keeping in mind that
we are focusing on ethics, as opposed
to policy, or who is winning and who
is losing).
Let's start
with fair play and equal opportunity.
Elizabeth Kolbert recently reviewed
the contributions of Andrew Carnegie,
railroad and steel magnate, who
accumulated great wealth, and then
addressed the concern of what to do
with it. In an essay he wrote in
1889, which became known as "The
Gospel of Wealth," Carnegie argued
that giving great riches to one's
children might be more injurious than
helpful to them. Nor did he see
giving alms to the poor as likely to
guarantee any long-term improvement in
their situation. Accordingly, he
gave his wealth to institutions such
as museums and universities and
libraries.
At the same
time, Carnegie sometimes behaved like
a stereotypical "robber baron." After
breaking up a steelworkers union so
that he could slash wages, Carnegie
encountered the following media
response: a cartoon was
published in 1892 in the Utica
Saturday Globe, showing two
Carnegies joined at the hip: one
holding a notice of pay cuts for
workers, the other a smiling
philanthropist brandishing a donation,
establishing a library.
We can be
grateful for the good Andrew Carnegie
did through his philanthropy.
But here's the problem. Do we
want a few rich people, who in many
cases accrued their wealth by
exploiting workers, to decide what
institutions will be of greatest
benefit to society? And does a
good end—the accumulation of wealth,
and giving much of it away—justify a
bad means?
Let's take the matter of public
safety. Where and how will we
have safe streets and schools?
Will it be by armed citizen
vigilantes? More
incarceration? Or might it be
through more investment in
infrastructure, support for teachers,
and more job opportunities for youth?
Let's take
the matter of privacy. In the
September 2018 issue of Harpers,
Harvard professor Katrina Forrester
surveyed the history of privacy in
America, drawing upon the work of
Sarah Igo, noting our ambivalence
about the role of government in
securing our rights, while at the same
time maintaining some control over who
is allowed to invade our privacy and
for what purpose. Should we let our
privacy be compromised by our concern
for public safety? What if
someone's idea of their free exercise
of religion impinges on someone else's
idea of their privacy? Will
women be forced to carry unwanted
pregnancies to term, on the basis of
someone else's religious concerns?
Let's take
the value of community. Will we
see our associations enriched, or
diminished, by the arrival of
newcomers with a different ethnicity
or religious faith? Are we
worried that a community whose faces
are changing will imperil values we
hold dear, such as stability and
familiarity? Or will we come to
understand that more diversity means
more resources? The tactics of
disinformation, as we have seen
displayed on social media, frequently
exploit our fears and our ignorance,
when it comes to newcomers in our
midst.
We have also
seen in recent years how much of the
fear of others whose sexual
orientation is outside the
heterosexual norm has been reduced, as
we have got to know them on a personal
basis, and not as stereotypes.
Young people have often led the way to
our enlightenment in this matter. It
is sad that religion has often been
more of a stumbling block than a
stepping stone in our getting to know
and love our neighbors.
Let's think
about freedom, perhaps the most
central and prized of our American
values. We know that there is a
difference between "freedom from" and
"freedom for," the former being the
removal of restraints or
responsibilities as citizens, while
the latter—"freedom for"—implies that
we have a purpose and a value beyond
lack of constraints upon our behavior.
While much
political rhetoric over the past forty
years has portrayed government as an
enemy, not a servant of the people,
the fact is that government has served
to provide more opportunity to more
people, to ensure our public safety,
and to enhance our prospects for
community, through the establishment
of regulations to restrain the
unscrupulous, and taxation to provide
for better infrastructure. The
role of government has come to be seen
by most of us as supporting the health
of our nation, not simply defending us
from outside attack.
Those who
would like for the role of government
to be constricted are often favoring
that for their own personal advantage,
rather than, in the words of the
Preamble to our nation's Constitution,
"to promote the general welfare." In
that light, let us probe a little more
into our American value of
freedom. Let us ask questions
such as the following: "Whose
freedom? Who benefits? And who
pays the cost?"
Will the
safeguarding the environment for
future generations (another of the
core values I am exploring) require us
to constrain the freedom of some
(e.g., in disposing of hazardous
waste) in order to protect the health
of the many? Or, should
employers be allowed to shortchange
their employees in terms of benefits,
simply for the sake of profit for
owners and investors, while leaving
the responsibility of providing some
minimum health care to the rest of
society?
Asking
questions about freedom – who is free,
and who pays? – gets back to means and
ends. Indeed, whichever value we
examine, we find ourselves again
facing that question. What is the goal
to be achieved? Who will share
in that goal? And what are the
means to be employed? Who will
benefit, and who will suffer? Costs
and benefits need to be balanced
against each other, whether we are
talking about taxes, or regulations,
national defense or environmental
protections, personal privacy and
freedom, or public safety.
*
* *
I need to say
a little more about that value of
community. It's a value precious
to most of us, though perhaps not to
all. I heard recently about a
farmer in Nebraska who was laid up
with an illness, right at harvest
time. His neighbors got together
and pitched in, putting their own
harvesting on hold, while they got his
crops out of the field. That's
community in action.
My Dad, who
grew up on a farm in western Nebraska,
often told me of the surprising amount
of community in those rural
neighborhoods. People had to
depend on one another and support one
another in times of emergency and when
times were tough. Do we have
that same appreciation for the value
of community today?
At times we
certainly do. In cases of
disaster, such as floods and fires, we
have seen countless examples of people
stepping up to help people they don't
even know.
And we need
to ponder this question: in a
world that is so threatened by growing
population and changing climate, do we
not need community among nations more
than ever before, at least as much as
rural neighbors in Nebraska have
needed each other?
*
* *
Holding a
religious faith is not in itself one
of our shared national values, the
founders having decided, probably
wisely, that faith was a matter of
individual conscience. For many of us,
though, including myself, faith
grounds our values. In my faith
tradition, and some others, there are
two interdependent poles for worship
and for living: one is Word, the other
Sacrament.
Word is the
expression of the values to which we
subscribe, grounded in Holy Scripture,
articulated in preaching and
reflection upon our common
experience. Word, centered in
Scripture and the historic creeds of
the Church, interprets and proclaims
what we believe; Sacrament acts it
out, first in the table fellowship of
a common meal, and then in how we
carry that understanding of
community—loving your neighbor as
yourself—out into the world, in our
daily lives.
Neither Word
nor Sacrament stands alone. We need
interpretation and proclamation, but
we also need touch and action, whether
it is feeding the hungry, or
comforting the afflicted, and sharing
from our bounty.
One thing
about which the Bible is very
clear: we are to care for the
outcasts and the immigrants – for we
were once outsiders ourselves.
How shall we
promote and sustain our American
values, which for many of us have deep
religious roots and affinities?
I would propose the following, as a
modest beginning, as a way to promote
and defend our values against their
diminishment in much of our current
social discourse.
First, we can
help to counter ignorance of the needs
of others and of our planet, by
fostering a reading culture.
Let's start with the kids: read to
them, and help them discover the
adventure of reading.
Second, we
can counter fear by showing the
benefits of community and diversity,
starting by getting to know our
neighbors—not just what they need, but
what they have to offer.
And third, we
can counter deflection and the
spouting of nonsense by supporting
good journalism, honoring those who
dig out the truth beyond "He said/She
said," and who let us know what's
really going on.
Values, if
they are to endure, need to be lifted
up, made visible, not merely
assumed. And they need to be
lived, through all our commitments of
time, talents, and our worldly means,
so that all people, not only
Americans, but all inhabitants of this
fragile planet, may "live long and
prosper."
Works Cited
Forrester,
Katrina. "Known Unknowns." Review of The
Known Citizen: A History of Privacy in
Modern America, by Sarah Igo.
Harpers, Sept. 2018.
https://harpers.org/archive/2018/09/
the-known-citizen-a-history-of-privacy-
in-modern-america-sarah-igo-review/
Keizer, Garret. "Nihilist Nation: The
Empty Core of the Trump Mystique." The
New Republic, vol. 249, no. 11
(November 2018), 26-33.
King, Martin Luther. "A Christmas Sermon
on Peace." Beaconbroadside.com.
https://www.beaconbroadside.com/broadside/
2017/12/martin-luther-king-jrs-christmas-sermon-peace-
still-prophetic-50-years-later.html
Kolbert, Elizabeth. "Gospels of Giving
for the New Gilded Age." New Yorker,
August 27, 2018.
https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2018/08/27/
gospels-of-giving-for-the-new-gilded-age
Author's
Biography
Donald G. Hanway has been
a member of the Tom Carroll Lincoln
Torch Club since 1993 and has
presented papers on such disparate
topics as movies, the phenomenon of
time, the writings of Ken Wilber, and
preparing for death.
A
Phi Beta Kappa scholar at the
University of Nebraska, Don was
commissioned in the U.S. Army Signal
Corps and entered on active duty upon
completing his M.A. in
Philosophy. He was awarded the
Bronze Star for Meritorious Service in
Vietnam.
Ordained an Episcopal priest in 1971,
Don served three churches in Michigan
and Nebraska before being called back
to serve the church where he
began. He earned the Doctor of
Ministry degree for advanced
professional study from 1993 to
1997.
Upon his retirement he wrote a primer
for church people, sharing what he had
learned about LGBTQ Christians.
His book, A Theology of Gay and
Lesbian Inclusion: Love
Letters to the Church, was
published by Haworth Pastoral Press in
2006. He is also the author of
two novels and two collections of
sermons.
"Foundations of Our Life Together" was
presented to the Tom Carroll Lincoln
club on December 17, 2018.
He
can be reached at dghanway@gmail.com/
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